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Choose calls Jan. 6 an ‘rebel,’ bars ‘Cowboys for Trump’ founder

A New Mexico judge Tuesday declared that the Jan. 6 riot in the Capitol was a “riot” because he ruled that Otero County Commissioner and founder of Cowboys for Trump Couy Griffin be removed from office must be because he took part in the attack.

Griffin is barred from holding federal or state office for life — including his current role as district commissioner, from which he will be ousted “effective immediately,” Judge Francis Matthew ruled.

Griffin was “constitutionally disqualified” from those positions as of Jan. 6, 2021, the judge concluded.

That day, a violent mob of supporters of former President Donald Trump stormed the US Capitol, forcing lawmakers to leave their chambers and disrupting the transfer of power to President Joe Biden. Griffin was convicted in March of a misdemeanor for violating the restricted Capitol grounds.

The riot and the planning and incitement that led to it “constituted a ‘rebellion'” under the 14th Amendment, Matthew wrote in the New Mexico 1st Circuit Court decision.

The ruling was the first time a court had found that the Capitol riot met the definition of a riot, according to the government nonprofit watchdog group CREW, which represented the plaintiffs who filed the suit to disqualify Griffin.

“This decision makes clear that all current or former officials who took an oath to defend the US Constitution and then participated in the riot of 6.

Griffin told CNN later Tuesday that he had been ordered to clean up his desk.

“I’m shocked, just shocked,” Griffin told CNN. “I really didn’t feel like the state was going to attack me like that. I don’t know where to go from here.”

According to CREW, Matthew’s ruling is also the first time since 1869 that a court has disqualified an officer under Section 3 of the 14th Amendment.

This section, known as the disqualification clause, prohibits any person from holding any civil or military office at the federal or state level of the United States if they are “participating in an insurrection or rebellion against the same, or offering aid or consolation to the enemies thereof.” have done.”

Griffin did not enter the Capitol itself or commit any violence during the January 6 riots, but he did participate and his actions “supported the riot,” Matthew judged.

“By joining the mob and trespassing on unauthorized Capitol property, Mr. Griffin helped delay the Congressional election certification process,” the judge wrote. Griffin’s presence “helped to overwhelm law enforcement” and he “instigated, encouraged and helped normalize violence” during the riot, Matthew ruled.

In addition, the judge dismissed as “unfounded” the arguments put forward by Griffin, who represented himself in the case.

Griffin’s attempts to “clean up his actions are without merit and are at odds with the evidence presented by the plaintiffs, given that he himself has not presented any evidence in his own defense,” Matthew wrote.

His arguments in court were “not credible and amounted to nothing more than trying to put lipstick on a pig,” added the judge.

Griffin was arrested less than two weeks after the Capitol riot. He was found guilty in March and on June 17 was sentenced to a two-week prison term along with a $3,000 fine and community service.

Griffin, a Republican and vocal Trump supporter, has repeated the former president’s false claims that the 2020 election results were marred by widespread fraud.

He and the other two GOP members who make up the Otero County Commission have refused to confirm recent primary election results, reportedly citing conspiracy theories about Dominion voting machines. The commission ultimately voted 2 to 1 to confirm the primary findings, with Griffin voting no.

In 2019, Griffin founded Cowboys for Trump, a group that hosted pro-Trump horseback riding parades.

Bookbinder called Tuesday’s ruling “a historic victory for accountability for the January 6 insurgency and efforts to disrupt the peaceful transfer of power in the United States.”

“Protecting American democracy means ensuring those who violate their oath to the Constitution are held accountable,” he said.

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Capitol Police Officers Sue Trump and Allies Over Election Lies and Jan. 6

A few weeks after the election, the lawsuit said, a key organizer of the stop-the-steal movement that was making false claims of electoral fraud, Ali Alexander, appeared at a rally outside the Georgia State Capitol with the leader of the Proud Boys, Enrique Tarrio. “We’ll stop the theft,” the suit quotes Mr. Alexander. “But first we will stop the certification.”

Mr Alexander’s attorney, Baron Coleman, has repeatedly said that his client is not being investigated in relation to the riot. Mr Tarrio was out of Washington on January 6, but was sentenced to five months in prison this week for possessing illegal weapons and burning a Black Lives Matter flag that came from a historic after a separate pro-Trump rally in December Stolen black church in Washington was also engulfed in violence.

The lawsuit mentions further steps on the way to January 6th: In late November, it is said, a California-based political organizer named Alan Hostetter, who believed the election had been stolen, posted a video on the Internet alleging it was stolen that people “at the highest level” are levels ”must“ be done with one or two or three executions, for example ”.

Mr. Hostetter, who was charged with conspiracy to storm the Capitol in June with members of the Three Percent Militia Movement, also said in the video that he will “return to Washington with a million patriots and we will encircle this city.” . “

On Jan. 6, the suit features a picture of stop-the-steal activists inciting the mob of Trump supporters gathered in Washington with lies about the election, which the president then repeated in a speech near the White House. Members of the Proud Boys, the Oath Keepers and the Three Percenter movement are believed to have led the local mob in the attack on the Capitol.

Mr Trump, the lawsuit says, knew that “the situation in the Capitol was grim,” but did not condemn the rioters. Instead, two hours after the first violation, he posted a video repeating his lie that the election had been stolen and stolen, telling the attackers that he loved them.

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Capitol Law enforcement officials sue Trump, Roger Stone, Proud Boys over Jan. 6 invasion

Clashes with Capitol police at a rally to challenge the certification of the results of the 2020 US presidential election by the US Congress on January 6, 2021 at the US Capitol in Washington, DC, tear gas is released into a crowd of protesters.

Shannon Stapleton | Reuters

Seven US Capitol police officers filed a federal lawsuit on Thursday accusing former President Donald Trump, far-right “violent extremist groups” and others of direct responsibility for the deadly January 6 invasion of the Capitol.

The lawsuit was filed against more than two dozen people and organizations, including Republican agent Roger Stone and far-right group Proud Boys. It claims the defendants conspired to prevent Congress from confirming President Joe Biden’s electoral college victory “through the use of force, intimidation and threats”.

Their actions violated the Ku Klux Klan Act and other laws, the lawsuit said.

“The defendants’ unlawful efforts culminated in the mass attack on the Capitol on Jan.

“Many of the defendants in this case planned, supported and actively participated in this attack. All of the defendants are responsible, ”the lawsuit said.

This is the latest news. Please check again for updates.

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Already Distorting Jan. 6, G.O.P. Now Concocts Total Counternarrative

“I pledge allegiance to the flag of the United States of America, and to the republic for which it stands, one nation, under God, indivisible, with liberty and justice for all.” [cheering] They came from all 50 states out of some sense of patriotic duty … “It’s so much more than just rallying for President Trump. It’s really rallying for our way of life. The American dream, against fake news.” … to protest an election they believed had been stolen. “Stop the steal! Stop the steal!” “We’re here, patriots. We’re in Washington D.C. Capitol building dead in front of us.” Their day of action would be Jan. 6 … “The House comes to order.” … when Congress would count electoral ballots and ratify the 2020 election results. For some, it was just a rally for their president. For others, it was a call to arms. “We have the power in numbers. March on Congress directly after Trump’s speech.” In the weeks beforehand, there were over a million mentions on social media of storming the Capitol. Maps were shared of the building’s layout. There was talk of bringing weapons and ammunition, and discussion over which lawmakers should be targeted first. This anger was based on a lie. “This election was a fraud.” A lie that had grown more frenzied after the election. “President Trump won this election.” “They were flipping votes.” “Steal the election in Philadelphia.” “When you win in a landslide and they —” “Steal the election in Atlanta —” “And it’s rigged —” “Steal the election in Milwaukee —” “It’s not acceptable.” “This is outrageous.” A lie spread by the president and his closest allies. “Let’s call out cheating when we find it.” Some of whom stoked calls for violence. “All hell is going to break loose tomorrow.” “Everyone’s going to remember who actually stands in the breach and fights tomorrow. And who goes running off like a chicken.” “We bleed freedom.” “This will be their Waterloo.” “And we will sacrifice for freedom.” “This will be their destruction.” “U.S.A.! U.S.A.!” What happened next was chaos. “They broke the glass?” Insurrection. “Take it now!” “Treason! Treason!” Death. Then, there began a campaign to whitewash history, starting at the top. “It was a zero threat. Right from the start, it was zero threat.” And spreading throughout the Republican Party. “Even calling it an insurrection, It wasn’t. By and large, it was peaceful protest.” One lawmaker, who helped barricade the House doors, now suggests there was barely any threat. “If you didn’t know the TV footage was a video from January the 6th, you would actually think it was a normal tourist visit.” A tourist visit this was not. And the proof is in the footage. As part of a six-month investigation, The New York Times has collected and forensically analyzed thousands of videos, most filmed by the rioters themselves. We obtained internal police radio traffic … … and went to court to unseal police body-cam footage. Our reconstruction shows the Capitol riot for what it was, a violent assault encouraged by the president on a seat of democracy that he vowed to protect. We’ll chart how police leaders failed to heed warnings of an impending attack, putting rank-and-file officers in danger. We’ll track key instigators in the mob taking advantage of weaknesses in the Capitol’s defenses to ignite a wave of violence that engulfed the building. We’ll show, for the first time, the many simultaneous points of attack, and the eight breaches of what appeared to be an impenetrable institution of government. We’ll show how the delay to secure Congress likely cost a rioter her life. And how for some, storming the Capitol was part of the plan, all along. “In fact, tomorrow, I don’t even like to say it because I’ll be arrested.” “Well, let’s not say it. We need to go — I’ll say it.” “All right.” “We need to go in to the Capitol.” “Let’s go!” It’s the morning of Jan. 6, and thousands are filling the National Mall in Washington. Trump will speak here at the Ellipse, a large park near the White House and a half-hour walk to the U.S. Capitol where the election will be certified. Who is actually in this crowd? Most are ordinary citizens who believe Trump’s lie that the election was stolen. “It’s going to be a great day. It’s going to be wild, as Trump says.” But we also see more extreme groups who’ve gained a following during Trump’s presidency. There are followers of the QAnon conspiracy … “Drinking their blood, eating our babies.” … who believe that Trump is facing down a cabal of Satan-worshipping pedophiles. Q posts often invoked notions of patriotism and predict a coming storm. And ahead of Jan. 6, some supporters call for violence. The Oath Keepers, a far-right paramilitary group, are also here. “We have men already stationed outside D.C. —” Their leader has said the group is ready to follow Trump’s orders and take members of what they call the “Deep State” into custody. They’re organized, staging their military-style equipment neatly on the ground. And later, they put on body armor, talk on radios, and chat with their supporters on a walkie-talkie app called Zello. “We have a good group. We got about 30, 40, of us who are sticking together and sticking to the plan. Y’all, we’re one block away from the Capitol, now. I’m probably going to go silent when I get there because I’m going to be a little busy.” Another group is the Proud Boys. They’re far-right nationalists who flashed white power signs throughout the day. “Check out all this testosterone.” They became a household name when Trump invoked them during a presidential debate. “Proud Boys, stand back and stand by.” And that’s what they did. They have a history of street violence and will be key instigators of the riot. We’ll return to them soon. Although the rally is billed as a political protest, some make calls to storm the Capitol even before Trump speaks. And later, when Trump does take the stage … “We’re going to walk down to the Capitol.” … some hear his words as a call to action. “I know that everyone here will soon be marching over to the Capitol building.” Two hours before this, the Proud Boys were already heading for the Capitol. They’re clearly spoiling for a fight with far-left agitators like antifa, who they believe are in D.C. But there are moments that suggest another motive. “Come on, tighten up.” “Come on, boys. They’re organized, too. Many are marked with orange tape or hats. They’re wearing body armor, carrying baseball bats and using radios. “That’s affirmative. Jesse, this is Tucker” Leading them is Ethan Nordean, who’s been entrusted with so-called war powers. He’s joined by other well-known Proud Boys like Joe Biggs, an organizer from Florida, Dominic Pezzola, a former Marine, and Billy Chrestman. They will be among the first rioters inside the Capitol building. “Proud Boys.” As Trump is speaking, some of his other supporters also head to the Capitol. Chanting: “Whose streets? Our streets! Whose streets? Our streets!” And the tone is becoming menacing. “And we’re going to storm the [expletive] Capitol. [expletive] you, [expletive].” “U.S.A.! U.S.A.!” Just ahead, officers guarding the building are understaffed and ill-equipped for what’s coming their way. “You going to stop us?” The building is more than two football fields in length. And barricades erected on the east side are defended by just a few dozen officers. The west side, facing Trump’s rally, is even lighter. The fencing has been extended and on the northwest approach, only five officers stand guard. Around five also defend the southwest approach, a few more dot the lawn and about a dozen officers are behind them. Plans to storm the Capitol were made in plain sight, but the F.B.I. and Department of Homeland Security did not deem those threats as credible. “We will take that building!” “U.S.A.! U.S.A.!” Capitol Police leaders and Washington’s mayor were warned at least three times of violent threats, but also didn’t take them seriously or circulate that information. And they declined offers of security personnel from federal and other agencies. They could have enlisted several hundred more Capitol police for duty on Jan. 6, but did not. And none of the officers on the barricades have protective gear or crowd-control equipment. As a result, the Capitol is sparsely defended. “Whose House? Our House! Whose House? Our House!” It’s 12:50 p.m. and a large group of Proud Boys is with other protesters right by the Capitol Police line. Joe Biggs is rallying them. When he’s approached by Ryan Samsel, a Trump supporter from Pennsylvania. They chat, we don’t know about what. But a minute later, Samsel is the first to approach the police line. And it’s now that the protest turns violent. “U.S.A.!” Without hesitation, the crowd overpowers the police. Nearby, a second group breaks through on another approach. Others jump fences. And now hundreds of rioters rush forward on several fronts. “D.C. is a [expletive] war zone.” Police retreat to the Capitol building where it’s becoming more threatening. “This is what we came for! Yeah!” A mob mentality begins to take hold. Police are so outnumbered, they’re forced to retreat again to more tightly defend access points to the Capitol. It’s now five minutes into the siege that the Capitol Police chief calls for backup from local law enforcement, known as the Metropolitan Police, and asks other Capitol leaders to mobilize the National Guard. “You took an oath! Does that not mean a damn thing to you, does it?” Metro Police will arrive within 15 minutes. But for reasons we’ll explain later, the National Guard won’t arrive for over four hours. “Back up! Back up!” Meanwhile, more Capitol Police come to reinforce the line. It’s the first time we see officers in riot gear. But most are missing their shields because they had not prepared to unlock the storage area where that equipment is kept. Proud Boys like Billy Chrestman keep rallying the mob. And again, they start brawling with the police. Minutes later, reinforcements from the Metro Police arrive. A high-ranking Metro officer immediately calls for more backup. They struggle to subdue rioters who respond with their own chemical spray. And within 30 minutes, the police already have casualties. [shouting] This first wave of rioters battling police has paved the way across Capitol grounds for others to follow. And after Trump finishes speaking, thousands more now fill the space. Meanwhile, inside the Capitol, Nancy Pelosi and Mike Pence have begun certifying the 2020 presidential election results. Certification will happen on both sides of the building, in the House and the Senate. And this is what the rioters want to stop. An hour into the assault, the mob is battling a police line here, along the west face of the Capitol. But that violence is now going to spread to multiple points of attack, as west side rioters stream around the Capitol and incite the crowd on the east. Here’s what that crowd looks like on the east. “Stop the steal! Stop the steal! Stop the steal!” They’re aware of the siege happening on the west side, and some are emboldened by it. But up until now, they’ve been kept behind the barricades. “U.S.A.! U.S.A.!” Then this group from the west storms around to the building and pushes right through the barriers. The police here barely put up a fight. And it’s now that protesters, all along the east barricades, surge forward. [cheering] Officers are overwhelmed from several directions, and retreat to guard Capitol entrances. But these rioters believe they’ve been deputized by their president to stop a crime. And now, they start trying to get into the building itself. [shouting] [glass breaking] [pounding on door] The Capitol is now surrounded. Rioters haven’t made it inside yet, but around the time that the mob on the east pushed forward, rioters on the west were making a pivotal move. This scaffolding was erected for the upcoming inauguration of Joe Biden. It covers a staircase that gives direct access to an upper level, and dozens of doors and windows. Three police lines guard that route. But at ground level, officers are so overwhelmed that just a few cover this crucial access point. Several Proud Boys see the weakness. Proud Boys start fighting the police, and with others in the mob, they push through the line. Over several minutes, it’s a brutal fight on these steps. At one point, the rioters are held back. [groaning] But they make a final push up the flight of stairs. [cheering] At the top, they scuffle again with a small group of officers … … who give in after barely a minute. The mob now has direct access to Capitol entrances. “I can’t believe this is reality. We accomplished this [expletive].” And hundreds more protesters below, surge forward. “Let’s go! The siege is ours.” It’s utter mayhem, and it’s about to get worse. This scene is being filmed from countless angles allowing us to piece together, moment by moment, what comes next. Proud Boy Dominic Pezzola uses a police shield he stole to bash in a window. And at 2:13 p.m., the Capitol is breached. Michael Sparks, a Trump supporter from Kentucky, is the first person inside. A police officer seems unsure of what to do and backs off. Sparks is followed by Proud Boys and other far-right extremists, one carrying a Confederate flag, another armed with a baseball bat. When rioters break open the locked doors, hundreds more rush in. [shouting] [glass breaking] This is a critical moment. Officers must now defend the outside and inside of the building, stretching them even further. Simultaneous events now happen that are critical to lawmakers’ safety. Rioters head straight for the Senate, and will be at its doors in two minutes. Above them, the Senate is called into recess. “We’ll pause.” Members will evacuate down these stairs. In this hallway, directly overhead the rioters, Officer Eugene Goodman is sprinting to overtake them. He passes Mitt Romney, who he warns to turn around. Reinforcements are following behind. Goodman overtakes the mob, goes downstairs and intercepts them. He holds them off while backup arrives upstairs. Behind these rioters, and just feet away, is an escape route where the lawmakers and Senate staff are now fleeing. Just one officer stands guard. Keeping his composure, Goodman draws the mob away from that escape route to where reinforcements are waiting. Goodman: “Second floor!” He glances toward the Senate, and realizes the door is unguarded. Goodman shoves the protester again, lures the mob away, and brings them into that line of fellow officers. Again, the rioters here are convinced it’s their duty to defend democracy. “We’re not [expletive] around! Because we are mad!” [shouting] The officers hold them off here, for now. Meanwhile, on the other side of the Capitol, a few political leaders are evacuated from the House of Representatives. But despite a lockdown alert, proceedings here will resume. “The House will be in order.” We’ll go there soon. First, we’ll go to the Crypt in the center of the Capitol below the Rotunda. The mob is already at its entrance. If they get through here, they will more easily fan out across the building. Rioters jostle with police here for six minutes, and then flood through. It’s now 2:24 p.m., some 90 minutes after the siege began, and the mob is about to overrun the building. “Stop the steal! Stop the steal!” As this is happening, and as thousands more swell outside, Trump composes a tweet. Not to calm his supporters, but to blame his vice president. He writes: At this very time, Pence and his family are being taken to safety, along with an aide who’s carrying the country’s nuclear launch equipment. “O say does that star-spangled banner yet wave?” At 2:25 p.m., there’s another major breach on the opposite side of the building, the east side. Rioters have been battling a handful of officers at these doors for almost half an hour. The tide turns when rioters who came through the Crypt, reach these doors and pull them open. Then an active-duty Marine Corps officer, Christopher Warnagiris, keeps that door open for the mob to flood in. Just as elsewhere, this crowd is a mix of die-hard Trump supporters, but also more organized groups like the Oath Keepers, who move in formation here toward that east side entrance. The Oath Keepers and their supporters continue to update each other on the Zello chat app. The group enters the Capitol together. Proud Boys are near them, including Joe Biggs, the organizer we saw earlier. He’s entering the building for a second time. The Oath Keepers fill the Rotunda along with hundreds of other rioters. “Took over the Capitol. Overran the Capitol.” “We’re in the [expletive] Capitol, bro.” Now the police inside the building are completely outnumbered and call for backup. “It’s our House!” “Whose House?” “Our House!” Throughout the Capitol, staffers have barricaded doors to keep the mob out. In Nancy Pelosi’s chambers, staffers rush inside a conference room and lock two doors behind them. Just 12 minutes later, rioters outside head straight for her offices. “Nancy! Nancy!” And pile in. Huddled together under a table, Pelosi’s staff record what’s happening. One rioter tries to break into that same room. Inside, staffers are silent as they record him pounding. [loud banging] He gets through the first door, but the second door keeps him out. It’s a scene that, again, shows just how compromised the U.S. government has become. “I think I like my new dining room.” By 2:30 p.m., the Senate evacuation is well underway. But even though a lockdown was called over 15 minutes ago, the House is still in session. “Do not accept Arizona’s electors as certified.” Representative Jim McGovern is chairing. He told us he wanted to finish hearing objections to the election results by Paul Gosar. House staff and security gave McGovern the all-clear to continue. It’s a delay that likely cost someone their life. Suddenly, staff are now pointing at the chamber’s doors. Just outside, a mob of 100 or more is baying to get into them. These rioters pay little heed to the thin line of police. “They’re going. Yeah, I would just stop — bro.” And in moments, are pushing against the doors into the House. “Stop the steal!” On the other side, Capitol Police erect a barricade and draw their guns. “You’re a traitor.” On the floor, lawmakers are evacuated to the rear of the chamber, where in a few minutes a rioter will be shot and killed. Part of the mob outside now peels off in that direction to find a different way in. Ashli Babbitt, an Air Force veteran and QAnon supporter, is among the first to arrive at the rear of the House. “Open the door.” They see the lawmakers escaping. That lobby might have been clear had the House been evacuated sooner. But the rioters now become incensed. Zachary Alam, a Trump supporter from Pennsylvania, punches in the glass panels with his bare fists. [pounding on door] “Open the door.” Police are stretched extremely thin. Just three officers and a security staffer stand guard. None are wearing riot gear, and they keep their weapons holstered. “It’s going to get worse.” “Open the door.” When a team of heavily armed police now arrives, the three officers step aside. “Go! Let’s go! Get this.” This creates a crucial gap that allows rioters to smash in the glass. A warning — what happens next is graphic. It’s 2:44 p.m., and behind the door, a police officer draws his handgun. Babbitt vaults into the window and the officer shoots her once. [gunshot] “Oh! Oh!” It’s a fatal wound through the upper chest. Inside the chamber, the floor is clear, but lawmakers in the balcony are sheltering in place. [gunshot] “The [expletive]?” “Take your pins off.” “Pins off.” They now remove the breast pins that identify them as members of Congress. A group of rioters who almost made it to the balcony are held at gunpoint as it’s finally evacuated. Now Trump supporters have achieved their goal, stopping the election certification. And while the House is evacuated, at the other side of the building, the Senate is occupied. “Treason! Treason! Treason!” On the Senate floor, they leaf through lawmakers’ files. “There’s got to be something in here we can [expletive] use against these scumbags.” Mug for photos. “Jesus Christ —” Pray. “We invoke Your name. Amen!” “Amen!” And leave a message for Mike Pence. “It’s only a matter of time. Justice is coming.” As rioters inside have been rampaging throughout the Capitol, the crowd outside has grown. And that first battle has continued raging. [horn blowing] For almost two hours, officers face off with rioters who say they support the police … … but assault them, anyway. We’re going to show what happened here because it demonstrates, yet again, how failures by Capitol Police leaders to prepare put the safety of these officers at risk. “Leave him alone! Leave him alone!” Capitol Police had been ordered to withhold some of their stronger weapons. But as soon as Robert Glover, a Metro Police inspector arrives, he calls for his munitions team to help. When the building is breached, Glover knows he needs to retreat and seeks advice from Capitol leaders. [shouting] When Capitol don’t respond, he asks four times. “Push! Push! Push! Push!” Then, the police lose the line. “We the people, we are the storm!” Rioters knock an officer over, throw a fire extinguisher. “U.S.A.!” Glover issues a 10-33, the call of last resort. Crazed rioters hound the police even as they retreat to the upper level. Police now begin to guard this doorway, an iconic centerpiece of presidential inaugurations. But for another two hours, the same pattern will repeat. Rioters fill the terrace. Instigators trigger a frenzy. And tragically, someone will die. A brutal fight erupts in the doorway. The mob heaves in a coordinated scrum. [screaming] “Help!” When police finally push them out, they face even worse violence. They are tased, gassed and robbed of their equipment. They’re beaten with a crutch, a hockey stick and even an American flag. At least four officers are pulled into the crowd. One dragged by his own helmet, face down. And again, the frenzy turns fatal. Rosanne Boyland, a Trump supporter who has been swept up by QAnon conspiracies, is moving toward the door. But amid the scrum, she collapses and is lying unconscious beneath the mob. [crowd chants] “I can’t breathe! I can’t breathe!” As the crowd sarcastically chants a Black Lives Matter slogan, Boyland’s friend, Justin Winchell, tries to pull her to safety. He screams for help. But instead, fellow rioters trample over Boyland and charge at the police again. Boyland will be pronounced dead at a local hospital in the evening. By the end of the day, rioters have breached and entered the building in at least eight locations. There’s the first breach, which we’ve seen, when rioters smashed through two windows and a door. Beside that, a rioter with a crowbar smashes in a second door, and then opens it to hundreds of people. Others smash a window next to the Inauguration door and climb inside. “Patriots, we need people to stand up for our country and our Constitution.” At this entrance, police stand aside and allow rioters to stream in, unchallenged. On the north side of the building, police in riot gear yield and let the crowd in. Another three breaches are on the east side, two by the central doors into the Rotunda, and this southeast door leading to the House chamber. It’s the arrival of more Metropolitan Police and other agencies that finally turns the tide. When those officers enter the Rotunda, they clear it in just 20 minutes. As the mob is pushed back through the east doors, their rage turns to Mike Pence, who Trump attacked earlier. Metro officers also stop other rioters from entering on the west side, where the mob first broke in. But here, too, we see a crowd empowered by the belief that they’re carrying out some patriotic duty. Over the course of the day, 150 police officers are injured. After 4 p.m., Metro and Capitol Police regain control of the upper levels. The final parts of the interior are cleared by other law enforcement, including federal agencies. Tear gas and flash bangs disperse the crowd on the Inauguration terrace. The Virginia State Police and Arlington County Police help to reclaim that area. Then rioters are swiftly pushed off Capitol grounds by a reinforced police line. Only now, more than three hours after Capitol police first called them, do National Guard soldiers arrive. “You can just do and turn down, right now.” Troops were staging just 20 minutes away. But a recent procedural change meant the highest level of the Pentagon had to approve deployment. And Pentagon officials delayed the decision, partially in fear of bad optics, even as the Capitol was being overrun. As calm returns, the president tweets again. He repeats that the election had been stripped away, calls his supporters great patriots, and says: The aftermath of Jan. 6 has been as divisive as the lie that launched it. Even as one arm of government has indicted hundreds of rioters, Republican lawmakers continue efforts to normalize what happened with a mix of denials and conspiracy theories. “Some of the people who breached the Capitol today were not Trump supporters.” “I knew those are people that love this country, that truly respect law enforcement, would never do anything to break a law. And so I wasn’t concerned.” They include Paul Gosar, who’d been at the Trump rally. “The D.O.J. is harassing peaceful patriots across the country.” And Andrew Clyde, who we saw earlier, standing just a few feet from rioters. “There was no insurrection. And to call it an insurrection, in my opinion, is a bald-faced lie.” Republican leaders have blocked an independent investigation that could have brought new details to light. “I’ve made the decision to oppose the House Democrats’ slanted and unbalanced proposal for another commission to study the events of January the 6th.” And in May, a top Republican was ousted from the party’s leadership after blaming Trump for inspiring the riot. “And I think that the party is in a place that we’ve got to bring it back from.” None of what happened on Jan. 6 would have been possible without a huge mass of ordinary people who were proud of what they achieved. “We made it!” “Yeah! We stopped the vote!” Millions around the country still believe the violence was not only justified, but necessary. And the forces that brought them there have not gone away. “Yeah, the patriots are coming back, y’all. Hopefully, y’all will be on our side when that happens.”

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U.S. Declines to Defend Trump Ally in Lawsuit Over Jan. 6 Riot

WASHINGTON – The Justice Department declined Tuesday to defend a congressional ally of former President Donald J. Trump in a lawsuit accusing both of them of rallying supporters in the hours leading up to the January 6 storm of the Capitol to have instigated.

Law enforcement officials determined that Alabama Republican Representative Mo Brooks, in an incendiary speech shortly before the attack, acted outside his mandate, according to a court file. Mr. Brooks had asked the Department to confirm that he was acting as a government employee during the rally; Had they agreed to defend him, he would have been dismissed from the lawsuit and the United States would have been represented as a defendant.

“The records indicate that Brooks ‘appearance at the January 6 rally was campaign activity and it is not part of the United States’ business to choose between candidates in the federal election,” the Justice Department wrote.

“Members of Congress are subject to a variety of restrictions that carefully distinguish between their official functions on the one hand and campaign functions on the other.”

The Justice Department’s decision shows that it is also likely to refuse to provide legal protection to Mr Trump in the lawsuit. Legal experts have been closely monitoring the case because the Biden Justice Department continued to fight to grant immunity to Mr Trump in a 2019 defamation lawsuit in which he denied allegations of raping writer E. Jean Carroll and said he accused her him to attract attention.

Such substitution provides full protection for government officials and is generally reserved for government employees who are being sued for acts arising out of their work. In the Carroll case, the Department cited other defamation lawsuits as precedent.

The Brooks decision also contradicted the Justice Department’s long-standing broad view of actions taken in the context of the employment of a federal employee, which has made it difficult to use the courts to hold government employees accountable for wrongdoing.

House attorneys also said Tuesday that they refused to defend Mr. Brooks on the lawsuit. Since it “does not question institutional actions by the House of Representatives,” a House attorney wrote in a court filing, “it is not appropriate for it to participate in the lawsuit.”

The Justice Department and the House filed their pleadings Tuesday, the deadline set by Judge Amit P. Mehta of the District Court for the District of Columbia. The lawsuit, filed in March by Rep. Eric Swalwell, a Democrat of California, accuses Mr. Brooks of inciting a riot and preventing a person from holding office or performing official duties.

Mr. Swalwell accused Mr. Brooks, Mr. Trump, his son Donald Trump Jr. and his former personal attorney Rudolph W. Giuliani of key roles in instigating the January 6 attack during a rally near the White House in the Having played Storming the Capitol hours earlier.

Citing excerpts from their speeches, Mr Swalwell accused the men of breaking federal law by conspiring to prevent an elected official from holding office or performing official duties, arguing that their speeches attracted supporters led Mr. Trump to believe that they were acting on orders to attack the Capitol.

Mr Swalwell alleged that their speeches encouraged Mr Trump’s supporters to unlawfully force members of Congress out of their chambers and destroy parts of the Capitol to deter lawmakers from performing their duties.

During the rally, Mr. Brooks told attendees that the United States is “at risk unlike in decades and perhaps centuries.” He said that their ancestors sacrificed “their blood, sweat, tears, wealth, and sometimes their lives” for the land.

“Are you ready to do the same?” He asked the crowd. “Are you ready to do anything to fight for America?”

Mr Swalwell said the defendants in his lawsuit incited the mob and continued to generate false beliefs that the election had been stolen.

“As a direct and predictable consequence of the defendants ‘false and inflammatory allegations of fraud and theft, and in direct response to the defendants’ explicit calls for violence at the rally, a violent mob attacked the US Capitol,” Swalwell said in his complaint. “Many participants in the attack have since revealed that they were acting on the orders of former President Trump in the service of their country.”

In June, Mr. Brooks asked the Justice Department to defend him on the case. He cited the Westfall Act, which essentially replaces the Justice Department as a defendant when federal employees are sued for acts in the course of their employment, a court document said.

Describing his January 6 speech as part of his job, he said his responsibilities include making speeches, making policy statements and convincing lawmakers.

Mr Trump has not sought the government to replace him as a defendant in the Westfall Act lawsuit. But he has argued in court records that the statements he made on Jan. 6 are backed by broad immunity, that he could not be sued for it, and that the lawsuit violates his right to freedom of expression.

Should a judge deny Mr. Trump’s allegations, he could ask the Justice Department to intervene on his behalf. But its decision in Mr. Brooks’ case reduced the chances that it will comply.

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Why America Isn’t Getting the Jan. 6 Investigation It Wants

Some of this sentiment reflects how conservative media has covered — or, perhaps, not covered — the siege. The events of Jan. 6 have been mentioned about four times as often on CNN and MSNBC as on Fox News, according to an analysis of television news clips. And it certainly reflects how dominant partisanship has become in our politics.

But these beliefs also show how difficult it will be for Speaker Nancy Pelosi to persuade large parts of the country that her select committee is conducting a truthful and nonpartisan investigation into the Jan. 6 riot. Republicans in Congress can opt out of participating in a bipartisan investigation into one of the most shocking events in the history of American politics with little fear of backlash from their base. In fact, many of their voters don’t want to hear much about the Jan. 6 attack at all.

Others are clearly looking for their leaders to defend rioters’ actions that day. That’s partly why Ms. Pelosi rejected two of Representative Kevin McCarthy’s picks for the committee, prompting Mr. McCarthy, the minority leader, to pull all of his Republican nominations from the panel.

Those two selections, Representatives Jim Banks of Indiana and Jim Jordan of Ohio, had openly expressed hostility to the mission of the committee and trafficked in revisionist history about the siege, and they may be material witnesses to the events leading up to that day.

Would keeping Mr. Jordan and Mr. Banks on the committee have helped build credibility for the effort among Republican voters? That seems unlikely, given that both had already broadcast their intention to undermine the effort.

Ms. Pelosi can still argue that her panel is bipartisan. It will include Representative Liz Cheney, a Wyoming Republican, and reports suggest that she could add Representative Adam Kinzinger of Illinois, also a Republican. Both lawmakers are reviled by their party’s base for attacking Mr. Trump’s effort to overturn the election and are unlikely to be seen as credible messengers by many Republicans.

Mr. McCarthy, meanwhile, has vowed to conduct his own investigation.

So after months of negotiation, the end result is likely to be two panels, one led by Democrats and the other by Republicans. It’s a situation that encapsulates our divided political moment: Whatever the process, the testimony or the findings, the results of either committee are unlikely to be trusted by voters from the opposing party. And reaching any kind of national consensus about what happened on that awful day feels like as much of a fantasy as any false-flag conspiracy theory.

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McCarthy threatens to drag GOP members from Home Jan. 6 committee after Pelosi rejects Trump allies Jordan and Banks

U.S. Speaker of the House Rep. Nancy Pelosi (D-CA) speaks during a weekly news conference at the U.S. Capitol July 1, 2021 in Washington, D.C.

Alex Wong | Getty Images

House Minority Leader Kevin McCarthy threatened Wednesday to withdraw all his picks for the select committee investigating the Jan. 6 Capitol invasion unless House Speaker Nancy Pelosi reinstates the two Republicans she rejected.

Less than an hour earlier, Pelosi announced that she had vetoed GOP Reps. Jim Jordan of Ohio and Jim Banks of Indiana, two of McCarthy’s five picks, from participating in the House probe of the deadly attempted insurrection by a mob of former President Donald Trump’s supporters.

Pelosi, D-Calif., said in a statement she made that decision “with respect for the integrity of the investigation” and “with an insistence on the truth and with concern about statements made and actions taken by these Members.”

On the same day of the Jan. 6 invasion, in which hundreds of Trump’s supporters broke into the Capitol to try to stop President Joe Biden’s election certification, both Jordan and Banks had voted to object to the results of the election.

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McCarthy, R-Calif., in a statement called Pelosi’s move “an egregious abuse of power” and accused her of being “more interested in playing politics than seeking the truth.”

“Unless Speaker Pelosi reverses course and seats all five Republican nominees, Republicans will not be party to their sham process and will instead pursue our own investigation of the facts,” McCarthy said.

Jordan, a staunch Trump ally and the top Republican on the House Judiciary Committee, in a brief statement said Pelosi’s actions show that her Jan. 6 probe “is nothing more than a partisan political charade.”

Banks in his own statement said Pelosi “is afraid of the facts.”

“We said all along that this was a purely partisan exercise by the Democrats and Nancy Pelosi’s rejection of me and Jim Jordan shows once again she is the most partisan figure in America today,” Banks said.

But Pelosi earlier this month had picked a Republican — Rep. Liz Cheney of Wyoming — one of her eight members on the panel. 

The Democratic-led House set up the select committee after Senate Republicans blocked a bill that would have created an independent commission to investigate the attack. Six GOP senators voted to move forward with the legislation.

Pelosi’s statement Wednesday said she told McCarthy that she would appoint the other three Republican nominees to the panel, and “requested that he recommend two other Members” to replace Jordan and Banks.

When asked at the Capitol why she rejected the two Republicans, Pelosi told NBC News, “January 6th.”

McCarthy had selected Banks to serve as the top Republican on the 13-member panel.

McCarthy’s other picks included Reps. Rodney Davis of Illinois, Kelley Armstrong of North Dakota and Texas freshman Troy Nehls. 

This is breaking news. Please check back for updates.

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Trump ally Jim Jordan amongst Republicans on Jan. 6 Capitol riot committee

House Minority Leader Kevin McCarthy (R-CA) speaks during his weekly news conference at the U.S. Capitol on February 27, 2020 in Washington, DC.

Mark Wilson | Getty Images

House Minority Leader Kevin McCarthy on Monday picked five House Republicans to serve on the select committee that will investigate the Jan. 6 insurrection at the U.S. Capitol. 

The California Republican named five out of the 13 members of the select House committee, but House Speaker Nancy Pelosi has the final say over which lawmakers McCarthy can appoint. 

McCarthy’s picks include Rep. Jim Banks, R-Ind., who will serve as the ranking member of the panel. The other members include Rep. Jim Jordan, R-Ohio., Rep. Rodney Davis, R-Illinois., Rep. Kelley Armstrong, R-N.D. and freshman Rep. Troy Nehls, R-Texas. 

The most well known of the five lawmakers is likely Jordan, who is a committed supporter of former President Donald Trump and is the founding member of the House Freedom Caucus, a group of conservative lawmakers. In January, Jordan helped lead an unsuccessful effort to prevent the House of Representatives from impeaching Trump for inciting the Jan. 6 insurrection.

McCarthy’s picks come just a day before the committee is set to hold its first hearing, which will feature witnesses from the U.S. Capitol Police Department and Metropolitan Police Department. It also comes days after McCarthy met with Trump at the former president’s golf club in Bedminster, New Jersey.

In a piece published Monday, Trump is quoted as saying that he wanted the same thing the rioters wanted: to overturn President Joe Biden’s electoral victory.

The committee hearings come more than six months after the violent insurrection in which supporters of Trump stormed the Capitol to disrupt the certification of Biden’s win. 

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The five Republicans picked by McCarthy are not the only GOP members of the panel. Earlier this month, Pelosi appointed Rep. Liz Cheney, R-Wyo. as one of her eight choices. 

Cheney was one of the two GOP representatives who had voted to create the committee last month. She was also one of 10 Republicans who voted to impeach Trump in January.

The decision to choose Cheney was notable, especially as McCarthy reportedly threatened to strip GOP representatives’ committee seats if they accepted an appointment to the panel from Pelosi, according to NBC news. 

Pelosi also appointed Rep. Bennie Thompson, D-Miss., who will lead the panel. The other members include Democratic Reps. Pete Aguilar, Adam Schiff, and Zoe Lofgren of California, Jamie Raskin of Maryland, Elaine Luria of Virginia and Stephanie Murphy of Florida. 

The formation of the panel has been a flashpoint of debate between Democrats and Republicans. 

The select committee passed in a mostly 222-190 party-line vote last month, after Senate Republicans blocked a previous bill that would have created an independent commission to investigate the insurrection.

Many GOP leaders asserted that the select committee would only duplicate existing efforts by the Justice Department and standing congressional committees to probe the attack on the Capitol.

The committee will investigate what caused the attack on the Capitol, which includes examining activities of law enforcement agencies and technological factors that may have prompted the event. It will also issue a report on its findings and how to prevent another attempt to disrupt the transfer of power.

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Trump, Looking for to Preserve G.O.P. Sway, Holds First Rally Since Jan. 6

WELLINGTON, Ohio — Former President Donald J. Trump returned to the rally stage on Saturday evening after a nearly six-month absence, his first large public gathering since his “Save America” event on Jan. 6 that resulted in a deadly riot at the Capitol.

On Saturday, the same words — “Save America” — appeared behind Mr. Trump as he addressed a crowd of several thousand at a county fairgrounds in Wellington, Ohio, about 35 miles southwest of Cleveland.

He repeated familiar falsehoods about fraudulent 2020 votes. He attacked Republican officials for refusing to back his effort to overturn the election results — including Representative Anthony E. Gonzalez of Ohio, who voted to impeach Mr. Trump, and whose primary challenger, Max Miller, was the reason for Mr. Trump’s visit. The former president praised Mr. Miller as they appeared onstage together.

Mr. Trump remains the most powerful figure in the Republican Party, with large numbers of G.O.P. lawmakers parroting his lies about a stolen 2020 election and fearful of crossing him, and many in the party waiting to see whether he will run again for the White House in 2024.

Yet in the audience and on the stage, the scene in Ohio on Saturday was reflective of how diminished Mr. Trump has become in his post-presidency, and how reliant he is on a smaller group of allies and supporters who have adopted his alternate reality as their own. One of the event’s headliners was Representative Marjorie Taylor Greene of Georgia, the far-right Republican who has promoted the QAnon conspiracy theory.

Mr. Trump’s speech — low-key, digressive and nearly 90 minutes long — fell flat at times with an otherwise adoring audience. Scores of people left early as he bounced from topic to topic — immigration, Israel, Speaker Nancy Pelosi’s protective mask.

“Do you miss me?” Mr. Trump asked in one of his biggest applause lines. “They miss me,” he declared.

In interviews, many in the crowd expressed steadfast belief in Mr. Trump’s election falsehoods, and indulged his rewriting of history on the Capitol mob attack.

Tony Buscemi, 61, a small-business owner from West Bloomfield, Mich., who stood with his daughter, Natalie, in the sun-baked field where Mr. Trump spoke, said he had been at the Capitol on Jan. 6, and he claimed falsely that it had been a “mostly peaceful” gathering.

“People were praying. People were singing,” Mr. Buscemi said, adding that he might have gone inside the building himself had his daughter not persuaded him that it was a bad idea. “There was no insurrection,” he insisted. “I didn’t see anything wrong with it.”

Polling suggests that most Republicans remain skeptical of President Biden’s election victory. Thirty-six percent of Republicans said in a Monmouth University poll released on Monday that Mr. Biden had won the election fairly, while 57 percent said his victory was the result of fraud.

Still, there is evidence that Mr. Trump’s influence over Republican voters is waning — though only slightly.

In late April, 44 percent of Republicans and G.O.P.-leaning independents said in an NBC News poll that they were more supportive of Mr. Trump than of the party itself. A slightly higher share, 50 percent, said they were more apt to support the party.

It was the first time since NBC pollsters began asking the question in early 2019 that as many as half of Republicans said they were more supportive of the party than of the man.

Giovanni Russonello contributed reporting.

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How Hopes for a Bipartisan Jan. 6 Fee Fell Aside

The Republicans have so far shown no will or a way to oust Donald Trump from his position as the party’s de facto leader. And for now, that means they have to block for him.

Just a few weeks ago, it looked like a solid part of Republican lawmakers would be ready to support a commission to investigate the January 6th uprising in the Capitol.

Some established GOP strategists and former lawmakers have stated that they see this as an opportunity to make a clean break with Trump (although, admittedly, we’ve heard this before) by giving a full account of the role he is and his allies have played the events surrounding the violence in the Capitol.

But just as the bill released the Democratically controlled house yesterday, with the support of a small but significant minority of Republicans, the party leadership stepped into the opposition.

Suddenly it seems unlikely to pass the Senate where it will take 60 votes to override the filibuster threat. It’s the latest, and possibly the clearest, sign that Trump is firmly in control of the party’s direction. And that old obstructive approach by Senator Mitch McConnell, which he refined into an art form during the Obama presidency, might be the surest way to keep it going.

Republican lawmakers who fled for their lives as rioters and stormed the halls of Congress, including some who argued a few weeks ago that Trump must answer for his role in provoking the attack, are now against investigation.

Just before yesterday’s House vote, McConnell, the Republican leader, spoke out against the commission, painting it as partisan maneuvers just days after saying it was open to a launch.

“I made the decision to oppose the House Democrats’ weird and unbalanced proposal for another commission to investigate the January 6th events,” he said in the Senate, complaining that the deal reached in the House did not include an investigation into left violence.

It was a far cry from the harsh words McConnell uttered in the immediate aftermath of the Capitol attack, but this is not the first time the minority leader stepped in at the eleventh hour to stop an action that could possibly be Trump’s role at the provocation of Trump could expose the January 6 uprising. In February, he waited until shortly before a vote on Trump’s second impeachment to declare he would oppose it and effectively secured the former president’s acquittal on January 6th indictment.

In March, a poll by Monmouth University found that a solid majority of Americans believed that an independent commission should be set up to investigate the attacks. Only 37 percent prefer to have other “internal investigations” carried out. About half of Republicans supported a full independent investigation.

But in the weeks since then, Republican lawmakers and Conservative pundits have teamed up as Trump only got the party tighter under control before halfway through 2022. A number of other polls show that while Trump’s favoritism ratings across the country continued to decline, he retained broad Republican support.

This month House Republicans voted to remove Representative Liz Cheney from her post as conference chair for refusing to stop criticizing Trump’s false claims about the 2020 election. (Yesterday she was one of 35 Republicans in the House who voted for the commission.) The party’s leadership is now firmly behind Trump’s distortions.

Commentators on the conservative fringe played down the January 6 uprising before the blood in the Capitol ran dry, and sometimes floated conspiracy theories to justify it. More recently, top Republicans have begun to rely more heavily on this narrative.

“The fact calls it insurrection, it wasn’t,” Wisconsin Senator Ron Johnson, a staunch ally of Trump, told Fox News yesterday.

“By and large, the protests were peaceful, except that there were a number of people, basically agitators, who whipped the crowd and broke through the Capitol.”

Senator Chuck Schumer, the Democratic leader, denounced Johnson’s comments in the Senate today. “If there was ever any justification for creating a bipartisan commission to investigate and report on the truth behind the January 6th attack, this senator’s comments provide it,” Schumer said. “Republicans in both chambers are trying to rewrite history loyalty or fear of former President Donald Trump.”

As planned, the investigation would be largely based on the 9/11 Commission, which was approved in 2002 with broad support from both parties. Its work was publicly announced upon its completion in 2004, and its leaders endorsed the idea of ​​a similar commission of inquiry Jan. 6. This new investigation would include 10 commissioners appointed by both Democratic and Republican congressional leaders and empowered to To issue subpoenas. It would deliver results by December 31st.

Knowing that the party’s grassroots remain committed to Trump, Republicans want to portray the commission as partisans. Indeed, this could become a self-fulfilling lawsuit.

If the bipartisan commission does not pass the Senate, Democratic Committee leaders in both houses of Congress could continue investigating the January 6th events.

And House Democrats are already threatening to take an unqualified approach through existing committees or through the creation of new elected committees. Of course, such a strategy would better support the Republican argument that the Democrats are conducting a partisan investigation.

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