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Japan’s Chief Is Stepping Down. Right here’s Who Would possibly Exchange Him.

TOKYO — When Prime Minister Yoshihide Suga announced on Friday that he would not seek re-election as head of Japan’s governing party, the decision created an unexpected opening to replace him.

The winner of a party leadership contest later this month will be a shoo-in to become the next prime minister. But it’s a job that may have few takers.

Mr. Suga leaves the Liberal Democratic Party facing its biggest crisis in over a decade. Japan’s vaccine rollout started slowly. Coronavirus case counts are at their highest levels of the pandemic. The economic recovery has been tepid. And the government has failed to articulate a clear path forward.

The public is angry “about the way that Covid-19 and its economic effects have been handled,” said Michael Cucek, an assistant professor of Asian studies at Temple University’s Japan campus.

There’s little chance that the L.D.P. will lose power, but it is almost certain to see its majority diminished, he said. That means that, as the party decides who will replace Mr. Suga, the priority is finding someone who can “stanch the bleeding.”

With rank-and-file party members afraid for their prospects in the lower house elections that are likely to be held next month, many will want to “take this opportunity to change the image of the L.D.P.,” said Jiro Yamaguchi, a professor of political science at Hosei University in Tokyo.

Standing in the way of that desire, however, are the entrenched interests of the party’s elite, who will be reluctant to hand power to a new generation, he said.

The outcome of the party election is likely to hinge, as always, on the results of horse trading and back-room deals among the various internal factions led by those insiders. Here are some of the candidates they are likely to consider.

Credit…Pool photo by Philip Fong

So far, only one person has officially announced an intention to run: Fumio Kishida, a former foreign minister. During a news conference on Tuesday outlining his platform, he sought to draw a bright line with Mr. Suga, pledging a more transparent and accountable style of government that would get the coronavirus firmly under control by early next year.

Mr. Kishida, 64, is a party insider, educated at the elite Waseda University, for whom politics is a family business: He got his start working in the office of his father, who represented the city of Hiroshima.

Over his years in politics, Mr. Kishida has held a wide range of cabinet positions and important roles in the L.D.P., but he is best known as the long-serving foreign minister under Shinzo Abe, Mr. Suga’s predecessor. He also briefly served as defense minister.

Last year, when Mr. Abe stepped down, Mr. Kishida was his favored successor. But rival factions within the L.D.P. opposed the pick, and Mr. Suga emerged as a compromise candidate.

Although Mr. Kishida seems the most likely choice of the old guard, Mr. Abe and other party grandees have not yet indicated whom they will support.

Mr. Kishida is unpopular among backbench lawmakers. “If the rank-and-file members are obedient to these bosses, then Mr. Kishida will get enough votes to replace Mr. Suga,” Mr. Yamaguchi, the political science professor, said. But if those members insist that the party needs a makeover, Mr. Abe and others will have to look elsewhere.

Credit…Koji Sasahara/Associated Press

If the L.D.P. is looking for a new face, it might turn to Sanae Takaichi, a conservative who is a darling of the Japanese right wing.

A former minister of internal affairs and telecommunications, Ms. Takaichi, 60, said on Friday that she would be interested in running for the top job, taking the opportunity to draw a contrast with Mr. Suga by dressing him down for what she called his indecisive leadership.

“She’s very conservative, and she tries to present herself as the idol of the right wing or conservative camp in the L.D.P., the true believers,” Mr. Yamaguchi said, adding that many in the party would be happy to line up behind her.

That said, Ms. Takaichi has no faction of her own, so she would need to clear the hurdle of getting 20 L.D.P. lawmakers to endorse her before she could run. The party, which has governed Japan for most of the postwar era, has never had a female leader.

“The Japanese public wants to see a female prime minister, but in the inside-party struggle, she has no base,” said Lully Miura, a political scientist and head of the Yamaneko Research Institute in Tokyo.

If Ms. Takaichi enters the race, Ms. Miura said, “she’s running in this election to become the top female candidate in the future,” hoping that the profile boost would give her an edge in the next leadership race.

Credit…Charly Triballeau/Agence France-Presse — Getty Images

Mr. Ishiba, 64, is a former defense minister popular among the public but disliked by L.D.P. lawmakers for his abrasive, populist style.

He twice ran against Mr. Abe, nearly beating him in the 2012 election, and was one of the leading contenders for Mr. Suga’s job during last year’s contest.

Mr. Ishiba has said he will take another shot at seizing the reins of the party, but it is not clear who would support him. Mr. Abe reportedly still holds a grudge against him, and the other faction leaders actively worked to foil him last year.

“He’s a borderline case in terms of a candidate. He can probably get the 20 signatures, but he’s not particularly well liked by the Diet members,” said Mr. Cucek of Temple University, referring to the Japanese Parliament.

Still, Ms. Miura argued that Mr. Ishiba may be the best positioned to challenge Mr. Kishida. Local party members, she said, are fans. “They want to win their election, and in order to win their election, they want the candidate that can win,” she said.

Credit…Kazuhiro Nogi/Agence France-Presse — Getty Images

Mr. Kono, 58, is a popular, charismatic figure with the right policy experience to be the next prime minister. But his current position as the minister in charge of the vaccine rollout could make it tough for him to win.

That’s partly because it will be hard for him to avoid responsibility for Japan’s missteps and partly because many will argue that he should be devoting his time and energy to combating the current crisis, not politicking.

But if Mr. Kono jumps in — he said on Friday that he was consulting with colleagues about the possibility — he could shake up the election. With a widely followed Twitter account and an easy, relatable style that contrasts with the traditional wooden affect of many Japanese politicians, he is seen as a leading contender to usher in a generational shift in the L.D.P.

“He’s well known for saying the right things to powerful politicians. So he is regarded as a brave challenger to old-style politics,” Mr. Yamaguchi said.

But the party might be better off having him wait to run until after the pandemic, when he would have an easier time marshaling support, Ms. Miura said.

If the party leadership lines up behind him during this election, it will be a sign that it is very worried about the L.D.P.’s political prospects, she said, adding, “He’s the last resort.”

Hisako Ueno, Makiko Inoue and Hikari Hida contributed reporting.

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China is stepping up its diplomatic bravado, testing how arduous Biden will push again

Senior US government officials examine China’s growing diplomatic bravery and growing military assertiveness with the intensity of elite athletes pondering their most resourceful rival’s feature films.

From the CIA to the White House and from the Pentagon to Foggy Bottom, these officials report a far greater willingness on the part of China to go on the offensive in the first 100 days of the Biden administration. The Chinese stand ready to face real and imaginary problems facing the United States and its allies, even as warnings and military activity escalate in Taiwan.

The new message from Beijing was consistent: the Biden government is trying to undermine China’s rise and promoting a false and dangerous portrayal of competition between democratic and autocratic systems. Therefore, countries around the world must decide whether to follow the divisive but declining United States or embrace a rising, unified and nonjudgmental China.

Between the lines, Chinese President Xi Jinping says that human rights violations and democratic failures are internal issues that cannot be discussed. In addition, Chinese officials stand ready to publicly attack the US record for racism and democracy, as does Beijing’s top diplomat Yang Jiechi in an unprecedented 16-minute diatribe to mark the first high-level US-China talks of the Biden government in March to open 18 in Anchorage, Alaska.

“There has recently been a tendency to liken China and the United States to ‘democracy versus authoritarianism’ to … put labels on countries,” said Wang Yi, the Chinese foreign minister who built on the Alaska Embassy last week at the Council on Foreign Relations. “But democracy is not Coca-Cola, which tastes the same as syrup made by the United States around the world.”

Wang said: “If democracy and human rights are used to conduct value-based diplomacy, meddle in the internal affairs of other countries, or stir up confrontation, it will only lead to turmoil or even disaster.”

His use of the term “catastrophe” caught the attention of his audience and made it clear what he meant by that.

“The Taiwan issue is the most important and sensitive issue in China-US relations,” he said, arguing that it should also be in US interests to oppose Taiwan’s independence and separatist instincts. “Playing the ‘Taiwan Card’ is a dangerous move, like playing with fire.”

Such rhetorical and possibly strategic changes do not occur by chance in (yes) authoritarian China. So it is both urgent and necessary to understand their meaning and respond appropriately. Given the contradicting mix of hubris and uncertainty in recent Chinese policies and actions, this will not be easy.

On the one hand, President Xi Jinping predicts growing national confidence that this is China’s historic moment. Xi hopes to build on what he sees groundbreaking in this centenary year of the Chinese Community Party that emerged from the pandemic and declared the end of absolute poverty in the country.

At the same time, Xi is responding to new challenges posed by the Biden government, which is rapidly escaping Covid-19 by delivering a formidable vaccine distribution and pumping $ 4 trillion, as well as considering stimulus and infrastructure development in the economy. US growth this year could be equal to or greater than China’s at a remarkable 6.5%.

The leaders of the two countries seem to agree that “we are at a turning point in history,” as President Biden said at a joint congressional session this week. “We are in competition with China and other countries to win the 21st century.”

Put it differently earlier this year, President Xi spoke to a Communist Party school meeting: “The world is undergoing profound changes that have not been seen in a century, but the time and the situation are in our favor. Here comes our determination and our trust. “”

In Biden, however, Xi sees a more methodical and coherent leader than his predecessor, more willing to work within institutions and with allies.

Biden convened the first Quadruple Security Dialogue Summit on March 12, attended by Japanese, Australian and Indian leaders. Japanese Prime Minister Yoshihide Suga became the first foreign leader to visit the White House since Biden took office on April 16, and the two leaders made the first joint statement in support of Taiwan since 1969.

Chinese leaders were also surprised on March 22nd when the United States, European Union, Britain and Canada sanctioned Chinese officials for human rights violations against the Uyghur minority in Xinjiang. Beijing’s response was an immediate and seemingly counterproductive response to punitive measures against EU citizens that were broader. The price for his tough message is that the European Parliament has put the recently announced China-EU investment deal on hold.

There appear to be three immediate targets for China’s current approach: the domestic audience, US partners and allies, and the developing world.

The priority of any authoritarian leader is political survival. President Xi appears to have strengthened his hand within the Chinese Community Party and weakened potential rivals by rallying nationalistically around Hong Kong and Taiwan and portraying the United States as a power determined to reverse China’s rise.

The second goal for Chinese valor is a preventive effort to reach U.S. allies and partners before the Biden administration has had enough time to get a bigger common cause off the ground. Wherever necessary, it wants to show that there will be a heavy price to pay for those who accept Washington at Beijing’s expense.

A US official cites a Chinese proverb to explain this strategy: “Kill a chicken to scare the monkey.” President Xi’s third target is the developing countries, where China’s progress has been greatest. The aim is to portray China as a more reliable and consistent partner in its development, with its own inspiring track record of modernization and commitment to staying out of the domestic affairs of other countries (and indeed providing the monitoring tools to other authoritarians) at the Staying in power).

At the same time, of course, China is also testing the Biden government. The aim is not to win Washington, where consensus on the Chinese challenge has grown. Rather, it is about testing the Biden government’s willingness to act on a range of issues – from technology controls to human rights – but especially on Taiwan.

Beijing is betting from previous experience that President Biden’s bark will be worse than its bite. If you are convinced of this, you can count on even more Chinese bravery and assertiveness in the next four years.

Frederick Kempe is a best-selling author, award-winning journalist, and President and CEO of the Atlantic Council, one of America’s most influential think tanks on global affairs. He worked for the Wall Street Journal for more than 25 years as foreign correspondent, assistant editor-in-chief and senior editor for the European edition of the newspaper. His latest book – “Berlin 1961: Kennedy, Khrushchev, and the Most Dangerous Place in the World” – was a New York Times bestseller and has been published in more than a dozen languages. Follow him on Twitter @FredKempe and subscribe here to Inflection Points, his view every Saturday of the top stories and trends of the past week.

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