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A long time Later, a Composer Revisits the Piano Concerto

It took the composer William Bolcom over 40 years to follow his first piano concerto with a second one.

When Bolcom was putting the finishing touches on that first concerto, in 1976, he had already gained fame as part of the era’s ragtime revival. A pianist as well, he interpreted pieces by Scott Joplin and other originators, while also contributing to a new wave of writing for the form, on albums like “Heliotrope Bouquet.”

Milestones came after the concerto’s premiere. Bolcom’s prismatic “Twelve New Etudes for Piano” — which contained a crucial dollop of ragging energy — won the Pulitzer Prize for music in 1988. That decade, his expansive and amazing setting of William Blake’s “Songs of Innocence and of Experience” was a polyglot Achievement, full of music that might take stylistic succor from reggae or Tin Pan Alley, from one minute to the next.

Even as symphonies and other works for soloist and orchestra kept coming from the Bolcom workshop, no new piano concerto followed — a peculiar development, given his own stature as a keyboardist. But this April, that streak came to a close when Igor Levit and the Mahler Chamber Orchestra gave the world premiere performance of Bolcom’s Piano Concerto No. 2.

Don’t bother asking whether the premiere took place in the United States, where major presentations of music by Bolcom, an American, have fallen out of fashion. Instead, this new concerto was presented in Germany, at the Heidelberg Spring Festival. That organization, which commissioned Bolcom’s new concerto with Levit in mind, thankfully also documented the performance. And recently, it posted the video on YouTube.

In a phone interview, Levit described Bolcom as one of “the very essential composers of our time,” and also recounted with delight the way in which this composer, now 84, participated in the rehearsal process: by video conference, from his home in Ann Arbor, Mich. “You can tell that this piece, and writing music — any music — really means the world to him,” Levit said. “He was, in the most beautiful way, childishly happy.”

Bolcom, in a joint interview from his home with Joan Morris — his wife and collaborator, who finished some sentences and added cabaret-style jokes — recalled seeing, and enjoying, Levit’s performance of Beethoven’s Piano Concerto No. 4 at the Gilmore Piano Festival, in Kalamazoo, Mich., in 2018.

“I said,” Bolcom added, “’Now this is a guy I could write for.’”(He also called the Beethoven “probably my favorite concerto.”)

“I’m interested in a dialogue,” he said, describing his ideal relationship between a pianist and an orchestra, “like in a Mozart concerto, in which nobody is expecting the other person to try to win over the other.”

Bolcom’s second piano concerto, at a running time of 24 minutes, reflects that balance while synthesizing various musical traditions. In the early going, some tender yet mystic motifs suggest the songful chromaticism of Olivier Messiaen. But before long, in a transition that few composers could handle so successfully, stark pianistic marching leads the orchestra into the punchy environments of percussive Americana.

In an accompanying documentary that the festival produced and posted online, Levit says that Bolcom described the concerto to him as “a gentle piece for non-gentle times.” There is a hint, there, of Bolcom’s proclivity for political commentary. He described the finale of his Trio for Horn, Violin and Piano, from 2017, as a “resolute march of resistance” in response to the 2016 presidential election. And as far back as that first piano concerto, written during the post-Watergate bicentennial of American independence, Bolcom wrote that it was one of “one of the bitterest pieces” he’d conceived so far.

But such steady disillusionment has not staggered Bolcom’s imagination. Whereas his first concerto ends in a parade of riotous, Ives-like quotations — a cynical pileup of putatively patriotic melodic sentiments — the second is less obvious in its moods. Its melancholy, though impossible to miss, is also left by some ebullient twists, all of which are well served by Levit and the Mahler Chamber Orchestra, conducted by Elim Chan.

This blend of delight and an almost pained, Romantic yearning likewise comes to the fore in another recent recording of Bolcom’s music — by the pianist Marc-André Hamelin, who first recorded “Twelve New Etudes” and has also released an album with the first piano concerto.

Hamelin’s new recording, “Bolcom: The Complete Rags,” is — truth in titling! — the only survey of this catalog that manages to sweep up a few stray syncopated pieces the composer has ventured this century. If it lacks just a touch of the rambunctious energy that Bolcom himself brought to rags like “Seabiscuits Rag,” as heard toward the end of “Heliotrope Bouquet,” Hamelin’s interpretations are a marvelous, moving account of this lushly complex music.

Bolcom’s ability to move between poles of emotion, in his rags and concertos, is part of the great charm of his music. When I asked him about the surprising appearance of an electric keyboard part in his Symphony No. 3, I described it as sometimes sounding like a parody of midcentury American modernism and at other points as reminiscent of fusion-era Miles Davis. He let out a belly laugh.

“First of all: What’s not interesting to me is to make it all completely explicable,” he said. “It’s not explicable to me. I mean, I fly by the seat of my pants, musically.” And although he declined to be pinned down on any point of musical reference, he did admit, “Since the beginning, I’ve had love for the theater.”

That’s evident not only in his comic operas, such as “Lucrezia,” but also in the wild transitions embedded within his instrumental works. The new piano concerto, too, manages to surprise even as it is not interested merely in shock value.

For Levit, the concerto has “a great mastery of writing and level of seriousness and dedication to every little detail.” But for all that refinement, Levit said, it also shares a key trait with music of American artists like Esperanza Spalding, Fred Hersch and Frederic Rzewski — all of whom Levit cited as carrying a form of the colloquial spirit that is also present in Bolcom’s music .

“They never lost the connection to the people who would listen to the music,” Levit said. “This wire to the audience, the wire to the dimension in the hall, is really something which I find deeply inspiring.”

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Politics

As Wars Wind Down, Congress Revisits Presidential Powers

In turn, they believe, presidents will be more politically sensitive to using their powers to carry out military actions absent specific approval from Congress. Mr. Kaine, for instance, said Mr. Biden’s recent airstrikes in Syria, which he ordered without congressional authorization, “show that the executive branch, regardless of party, will continue to stretch its war powers.”

President Barack Obama more or less dared Congress in 2015 to debate the use of military force abroad, but both parties refused for opposite reasons. Republicans were loath to grant Mr. Obama authority because they disapproved of his foreign policies, and Democrats were still stinging from the vote in 2002 to authorize the war in Iraq.

But time and the resident of the White House have shifted the ground, and a broad group supports a repeal of the 2002 authorization including the conservative Heritage Foundation and Concerned Veterans for America, as well as VoteVets, a liberal nonprofit group that supports Democrats, and the American Legion, the veterans’ advocacy group.

Mr. Obama sent mixed messages about his view of presidential war powers, and President Donald J. Trump would have vetoed efforts to eliminate the 2002 authorization. But Mr. Biden, who was once the chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, has always been more sympathetic toward the constitutional role that Congress has on matters of war.

“The president is committed to working with the Congress to ensure that outdated authorizations for the use of military force are replaced with a narrow and specific framework appropriate to ensure that we can continue to protect Americans from terrorist threats,” the White House said in a statement.

The remaining uncertainty may be one or two Senate Democrats and several Senate Republicans who remain skeptical of the repeal. This week, Senators Joni Ernst of Iowa, Susan Collins of Maine, Josh Hawley of Missouri, John Thune of South Dakota and other Republicans said in interviews that they were open to repeal of the 2002 measure.

“It’s something we’re all I think going to be looking at,” Mr. Thune said.

Mr. Young, a retired Marine captain, may be persuasive in helping round up Republican support for the Senate bill being pushed by Mr. Kaine, who has worked on this issue for decades.

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Politics

To Promote His Infrastructure Plan, Biden Revisits ‘Amtrak Joe’ Days

PHILADELPHIA – President Biden returned Friday to a place almost as tied to his identity as his decades-long quest for presidency: an Amtrak station.

This time, however, Mr. Biden did not launch a presidential campaign from the back of a train in Wilmington, Delaware, as he did in 1987. He barely had time to meet with commuters, a daily tradition during his decades in the Senate.

And he flew into town on Air Force One.

“I’ve ridden an Amtrak for almost as long as there has been an Amtrak,” said Mr Biden from a podium at the freight yard celebrating 50 years of rail transport, remembering a conductor named Angelo holding it Called “Joey”, baby! “and squeeze his cheeks.

The president came to Philadelphia to come up with his $ 2 trillion infrastructure proposal that critics believe is too big. He spent on a variety of topics, including broadband and care for the elderly and disabled, and projects aimed at tackling racial differences. His appearance on Friday was a message to Republicans that his plan includes lots of money for more traditional projects like railroads and bridges.

Mr Biden’s economic proposal includes $ 80 billion in funding for railroad projects, including improvements to the busy Amtrak corridor from Washington to Boston and expanding the service to 160 communities, including Las Vegas, Nashville, Atlanta and Houston .

The agency typically receives nearly $ 2 billion in annual Congressional funding. The Republicans have countered with $ 20 billion in railroad investments.

The president spent much of his pitch thinking about his connection with Amtrak.

He started traveling by train in the earliest days of the patched federal railroad in the 1970s, when he drove home to Delaware every night to look after his two sons, Hunter and Beau, after his wife and young daughter were killed in a car had been crash.

Many politicians have emphasized their daily origins. (The picture of Abraham Lincoln as a rail splinter was an early publicity campaign.) Mr. Biden earned his nickname as “Amtrak Joe” because he made an estimated 8,000 round-trip trips on the route. He would often sit in a window seat reading the newspaper in the morning light on the way to the Capitol.

He spoke to others, including Gregg Weaver, a retired Amtrak worker whose son Blake Weaver called the president “one of Amtrak’s most frequent drivers” on Friday.

Gregg Weaver said Mr. Biden always asked about his children and parents.

He was “just another passenger on the train,” said Weaver.

But Mr Biden offered some perks. He was going to invite some Amtrak employees to his Delaware home for Christmas parties. When he started driving with an entourage of the President, he often apologized to fellow travelers for the lack of space and admonished reporters who blocked the way to the seats.

Mr Biden was quick to remind the crowd of Amtrak staff, congressmen and local officials that Friday’s trip was not his first visit to William H. Gray III’s 30th Street Station.

“It’s likely because I took the late train back from Washington and slept through the stop in Delaware,” he said. “I’ve only done it about four times.”

Mr Biden also referred to his history in defending rail transport in the Senate. When the Bush administration proposed a restructuring of Amtrak, which would have relied on states to make up some of their deficit, he called it “cockamamie”.

In 2016, he announced a federal loan to fund a new high-speed Acela. One such train was stationed behind him when he spoke on Friday.

He had even planned to recreate his 90-minute trip from Wilmington to Washington for his swearing-in as president, but this was canceled for security reasons.

Just like this week in his first address to a joint congressional session, Mr Biden emphasized how investing would not only fight climate change but also create jobs. In his speech to Congress, he appealed directly to workers, saying 90 percent of the jobs created under his plan would not require a college degree.

On Friday, Mr Biden said it would be good for the environment to encourage more people to drive Amtrak instead of driving cars or trucks. The plan to expand the service would also connect big cities and job opportunities to underserved communities, he argued.

“It will create jobs and it will also add jobs,” said the president. “This means cities that were in danger of being left out and left behind are back in the game.”

However, Mr. Biden’s attempts to expand Amtrak lines will face challenges. A growing debate about restoring service between Mobile, Ala. And New Orleans could be a preview.

The White House says increased service will help reverse construction projects that have created racial differences. But in Mobile, a city councilor, Joel Daves, said that any city money spent on upgrading rail transport in the Gulf Coast Corridor only funded a “joy ride for the wealthy.”

Rail freight companies, which own much of the United States’ railroad tracks, have also argued with Amtrak over concerns that sharing the track could hurt its business. Amtrak’s petition to restore service is before the Surface Transportation Board.

“President Biden sees the importance of connectivity that passenger transport brings to cities and towns,” said John Robert Smith, former Amtrak chairman. “If the impasse between the interests of the freight railroad and the pursuit of passenger railways is not resolved, the comprehensive vision of a party for the passenger railroad is not a vision but a hallucination.”

Jim Mathews, executive director of the Rail Passengers Association, an advocacy group, said in an interview that Mr Biden’s support would boost Congress “to address transformative discussions.”

But on Friday, Mr. Biden did not return to Washington to stand up for lawmakers. After his speech, he commuted to Delaware – this time not on the train, but in a presidential motorcade.

Zolan Kanno-Youngs reported from Philadelphia and Pranshu Verma from Washington.