Categories
Politics

Inestabilidad en América Latina: Biden se ve obligado a enfrentar la realidad de la región

Se calcula que cuatro millones de refugiados han salido de Venezuela desde entonces, lo que ha generado una de las peores catástrofes humanitarias del mundo. Casi la mitad de estos venezolanos se encuentran en la vecina Colombia, que durante la primavera lidió con sus propios disturbios internos, cuando manifestantes —descontentos por la imposición de impuestos a nivel nacional y la fatiga provocada por la pandemia— se enfrentaron con fuerzas de seguridad del país.

El presidente de Colombia, Iván Duque Márquez, dijo en una entrevista realizada en mayo que no dudaba que Estados Unidos continuaría apoyando a su país, a pesar de las preocupaciones sobre las tácticas de su gobierno que ponían en riesgo derechos humanos.

Otros autócratas latinoamericanos han seguido el ejemplo de Maduro.

En Nicaragua, el presidente Daniel Ortega ha iniciado una ofensiva contra los medios de comunicación y la sociedad civil antes de las elecciones de noviembre, en las que buscará un cuarto mandato. Además de una reunión el mes pasado con cancilleres de Centroamérica, Antony J. Blinken, el secretario de Estado estadounidense, instó con discreción al máximo diplomático de Nicaragua a garantizar un voto libre y justo.

Al día siguiente, el gobierno de Ortega detuvo a una de sus opositoras políticas de más alto perfil.

Más tarde, funcionarios estadounidenses insistieron en la importancia de que el gobierno de Biden advirtiera a Nicaragua y a otros países latinoamericanos de la preocupación cada vez mayor de Estados Unidos por los desafíos a la democracia en la región. Ventrell, el funcionario del Departamento de Estado, dijo que la embestida de Ortega, un exrevolucionario y un viejo problema para Estados Unidos, era una prueba del poco apoyo que conservaba entre los votantes nicaragüenses.

Pero el gobierno de Biden es muy consciente de la naturaleza endeble de la democracia en la región.

“Seamos honestos: las democracias son frágiles. Lo reconozco absolutamente”, dijo Samantha Power, administradora de la Agencia de Estados Unidos para el Desarrollo Internacional, en un discurso el mes pasado en la Universidad Centroamericana en San Salvador.

Aseguró que los ataques a jueces, periodistas, funcionarios electorales y otras instituciones en Estados Unidos revelaron que un ataque a las libertades y las libertades civiles podría ocurrir en cualquier lugar.

Por eso, dijo Power, “es tan importante luchar contra la corrupción, luchar contra el comportamiento autocrático en cualquier lugar en el que ocurra, porque estas acciones pueden crecer con rapidez para amenazar la estabilidad, amenazar la democracia, amenazar la prosperidad”.

Categories
Business

U.S. Bans All Cotton and Tomatoes From Xinjiang Area of China

WASHINGTON – The Trump administration on Wednesday announced a ban on imports of cotton and tomatoes from China’s Xinjiang region, as well as all products made with these materials, citing human rights violations and the widespread use of forced labor in the region.

The move could have far-reaching implications for apparel and food manufacturers, many of whom have tried to distance themselves from the atrocities in Xinjiang but have struggled to ensure their supply chains are free of all raw materials from the region. The area is an important source of cotton, coal, chemicals, sugar, tomatoes and polysilicon, a component of solar panels, which are then fed to factories across China and around the world.

The ban allows customs officials to stop imports that they suspect are made with raw materials from Xinjiang, regardless of whether they are traveling to the US directly from China or any other country.

China has harshly attacked predominantly Muslim minority groups in far west of Xinjiang, including detaining a million or more Uyghurs, Kazakhs and other groups in camps and closely monitoring the rest of the population, human rights groups say.

Forced labor also appears to be widespread in the region. U.S. Customs and Border Protection said an investigation found numerous indicators of forced labor in Xinjiang, including debt bondage, restricted mobility, withheld wages and abusive living and working conditions. The Chinese government denies the existence of forced labor in Xinjiang and states that all agreements are voluntary.

Scott Nova, executive director of the Workers Rights Consortium, a labor rights group, described the ban as “a high decibel wake-up call for any clothing brand that continues to deny the proliferation and problem of forced labor cotton” in the region.

“This ban will redefine how the clothing industry – from Amazon to Nike to Zara – sources its materials and workers,” said Nova. “Any global clothing brand that is neither from Xinjiang nor planning a very quick exit is campaigning for a legal and reputational disaster.”

The Workers Rights Consortium estimates that American brands and retailers import more than 1.5 billion garments each year that use Xinjiang materials, representing more than $ 20 billion in retail sales. China is also the world’s largest tomato producer, with Xinjiang making up most of that production, the group said.

Independent researchers and media reports have linked dozens of the world’s best-known multinationals with workers or products from Xinjiang, including Apple, Nike, Kraft Heinz and Campbell Soup.

Some textile and clothing companies that used Xinjiang cotton or yarn have announced that they will separate ties, including Patagonia, Marks and Spencer, and H&M. However, many companies have found it difficult to identify the origin of all products used by their Chinese suppliers investigate, particularly given the lack of independent auditor access to facilities in Xinjiang.

The contract will “send a crystal clear message to the trading community: know your supply chains,” said Mark Morgan, acting commissioner for US Customs and Border Protection. Importers need to ensure that their own supply chains are free of forced labor, he added. “It’s the law.”

The Trump administration has added increasingly restrictive measures to Xinjiang, including sanctions against dozens of companies and individuals for alleged human rights abuses.

In December, customs officials announced a ban on cotton products from the Xinjiang Production and Construction Corps, an economic and paramilitary group that produces much of the region’s cotton. U.S. Customs and Border Protection has already arrested 43 shipments worth more than $ 2 million under the ban, officials said on Wednesday.

Congress is also considering sweeping legislation that would block imports from Xinjiang unless companies can demonstrate that supply chains in the region are free from forced labor.

While the United States has taken the most vigorous action on this front, both Canada and Britain this week put rules in place to prevent Xinjiang-related goods from entering their countries.

Despite growing concerns about Chinese practices in the region, Xinjiang’s exports to the US and Europe increased significantly from 2019 to 2020, according to the Center for Strategic and International Studies.

However, trade experts say the new measures will raise questions about whether customs officials will be able to fully enforce such a sweeping ban that requires tracing Xinjiang materials through supply chains around the world.

A report released in October by the US Government Accountability Office found that customs faced staff shortages and other problems despite a new department and new resources to block goods made using forced labor.

Speaking to reporters on Wednesday, Brenda Smith, the deputy commissioner for the Trade and Border Protection Bureau, said it was “a challenge to relate what we see in a port of entry to the raw materials produced in Xinjiang. “The department is using new tracking methods to uncover products made using forced labor, she said.

The department is increasingly using new technologies such as pollen analysis to try to identify cotton and other materials from Xinjiang in overseas products.

Categories
Business

Co-ops in Spain’s Basque Area Soften Capitalism’s Tough Edges

If the Erreka Group had operated like most companies, the pandemic would have dealt a traumatic blow to its workers.

Based in the rugged Basque region of Spain, the company produces a wide variety of goods including sliding doors, plastic parts for cars and medical devices sold worldwide. When the coronavirus ravaged Europe in late March, the Spanish government ordered the company to close two of its three local factories, threatening the livelihoods of 210 workers there.

However, the Erreka Group prevented layoffs by temporarily cutting wages by 5 percent. It continued to pay workers who were stuck at home in exchange for promising that they would make up some of their hours when better days returned.

This flexible approach was possible because the company is part of a large collection of cooperative companies based in the city of Mondragón. Most employees are partners, meaning they own the company. Though Mondragón Corporation’s 96 cooperatives need to make a profit to stay in business – like any business – these businesses are designed not to distribute dividends to shareholders or shower stock options to executives, but receive the paychecks.

The concept of the cooperative may evoke ideas of hippie socialism and limit its value as a model for the world economy, but Mondragón is a really big company. The cooperatives employ more than 70,000 people in Spain, making them one of the largest paychecks in the country. They have an annual turnover of more than 12 billion euros. The group includes one of the country’s largest grocery chains, Eroski, as well as a credit union and manufacturers that export their goods around the planet.

“Mondragón is one of the landmarks of the social economy movement because of its size,” said Amal Chevreau, policy analyst at the Center for Entrepreneurship of the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development in Paris. “They show that it is possible to be profitable and still achieve social goals.”

In a world grappling with the consequences of expanding economic inequality, cooperatives are gaining attention as a fascinating potential alternative to the established form of global capitalism. They emphasize a specific purpose: protecting workers.

The pandemic has highlighted and exacerbated the pitfalls of companies built to maximize shareholder returns. The closure of much of the world economy has driven unemployment and threatened workers’ ability to support their families and keep rent and mortgage payments up to date – particularly in the US. Government bailouts have emphasized protecting assets like stocks and bonds, empowering investors and leaving workers vulnerable.

In the corporate world, high profile initiatives have marked the beginning of a more socially conscious mentality. Last year, 181 members of the Business Roundtable, a leading group of executives, pledged loyalty to a new mission statement in which they pledged to conduct their business not only to enrich the shareholders, but also to supply other so-called stakeholder workers , Suppliers, the environment and local communities.

The pandemic was the first real test of the principles of stakeholder capitalism. The results have been reviewed, with one study showing that the promise’s signers did no better than the average company.

Many large corporations have distributed much of their profits to shareholders in the form of dividends and purchases of their own stocks, causing stock prices to rise. When the pandemic hit, many lacked the resources to weather a downturn, prompting managers to take vacations and lay off workers to cut costs.

Cooperatives were specifically set up to prevent such outcomes. They usually require managers to put the majority of their profits back into the company to prevent layoffs in times of need.

“Our philosophy is not to lay off people,” said Antton Tomasena, Managing Director of the Erreka Group. “We wanted people not to worry too much.”

While co-operatives are increasingly part of the discussion about updating capitalism, they remain confined to the limits of business life. They can be found in Italy and Belgium. In the north of England, the city of Preston has sponsored cooperatives as an antidote to a decade of national austerity. A number of Cleveland cooperatives have been organized by a nonprofit organization, the Democracy Collaborative.

In Mondragón, cooperatives date back to the rubble of the Spanish Civil War in the early 1940s when a priest, José M. Arizmendiarrieta, came to the area with unorthodox ideas about economic improvements.

The Basque Country, rich in ore, has long been the scene of industry, particularly steel making, but most of the workers were poorly paid. People usually started working when they were 14 and had little progress.

Updated

Dec. Dec. 29, 2020 at 5:11 pm ET

When the priest turned to the owner of a private vocational school to see if it was open to all, he was turned away. So he started his own now known as Mondragon University.

The priest saw cooperative principles as the key to raising the standard of living. In 1955, he persuaded five of the first few graduates of the local engineering program to buy a company that made heating systems and run it as a cooperative. They elevated workers to owners – partner is the term in art – with each one receiving a single vote in a democratic process that determines wages, working conditions and the proportion of profits to be distributed each year.

Over the decades numerous other cooperatives have established themselves and dominated the city’s economy. Each company is autonomous, but operates on a common set of principles, particularly the understanding that someone who loses a job in a cooperative has the right to take up a position with one of the others. If there is no work, the partners are entitled to vocational training plus unemployment benefits for up to two years.

In the United States, the executives of the 350 largest corporations receive roughly 320 times the typical worker, according to the Washington Economic Policy Institute. At Mondragón, executive salaries are capped at six times the lowest wage.

The lowest level is now € 16,000 per year (about $ 19,400), which is above the Spanish minimum wage. Most people earn at least double that and receive private health benefits, annual profit-sharing and pensions.

Each cooperative pays into a collective money pool that covers unemployment benefits and aid for struggling member cooperatives. When a crisis requires production to be limited, workers continue to be paid as usual, with residual amounts of working time that management can assign later.

The system proved robust during the global financial crisis of 2008, followed by the so-called sovereign debt crisis across Europe. Unemployment in Spain rose to over 26 percent. But in Mondragón, the cooperatives divided the pain into future hours through wage cuts and advance payments. Unemployment barely moved.

The crisis sparked the downfall of the original Fagor cooperative, which manufactured household appliances including refrigerators. This meant that almost 1,900 people were unemployed.

The Fagor collapse provoked talk that a weakness in the cooperative model had been exposed. Another type of business that has managed to maximize returns would have concluded much earlier that making refrigerators is a treacherous undertaking for a Spanish company given the stiff competition from low-wage countries in Asia. Endeavoring to keep jobs, Mondragón supported Fagor for years so as not to revive his fate.

Yet within six months of Fagor’s death, 600 of his former workers had found positions with other cooperatives, and the rest were receiving severance pay and early retirement packages, according to the group. As the leaders in Mondragón put it, the fact that Fagor collapsed while its employees were protected confirmed the value of the cooperative model.

“When a typical company goes bankrupt, we’re not saying that it is the end of the capitalist system,” said Ander Etxeberria, who oversees Mondragón’s communications.

In recent years the co-operatives have added contract and temporary workers who lack property rights, raising questions about whether the model can last as their business grows and competes with larger players. Many of Mondragón’s businesses have grown overseas, following their customers to Mexico, Brazil, China and numerous other countries. Most of the international subsidiaries are not cooperatives but traditional companies. They work under a loose guideline to improve local working conditions, but Mondragón leaders acknowledge that this is more aspiration than a reality.

Eventually, the Mondragón Cooperatives were created to improve livelihoods in Mondragón, not to reform labor markets worldwide.

“While the cooperative model protects people, it has to be competitive,” said Zigor Ezpeleta, who oversees social programs at Mondragón. “Otherwise it will go away.”

During the spring, when many Mondragón customers had to close their factories due to the pandemic, orders for parts fell. Production at the Mondragón factories dropped to 25 percent of capacity. The cooperatives responded with a 5 percent wage cut. Nobody was happy about it, but the opposition was limited.

Since then, almost all cooperatives have been working to capacity again, as the partners pay back the hours they were compensated for when the factories were closed. Overall, the cooperatives expect profitability for the year.

Mondragón cites its pandemic performance as evidence of its agility as well as the operational benefits of the trust that comes from a common goal.

“If you explain the situation very clearly and people know they own the company, you can make that kind of effort,” said Iñigo Ucín, president of Mondragón Corporation.

Most multinationals adapting to the pandemic tend to have divergent interests between shareholders and employees. Executives have continued to benefit from stock-based compensation promoted through public bailouts, even at companies that have resorted to layoffs.

At Mondragón, workers know that as owners they can benefit from sacrifices that strengthen their business.

“This is more than a job,” said Joana Ibarretxe Cano, production manager at the Erreka Group, whose plant was closed for the whole of April. “This is part of a team.”

The mother of two said she was concerned as the first wave of the pandemic unfolded – for her family, for the team she oversees, and for business. “Nobody likes not being able to go to work,” she said.

The way the company weathered the crisis has increased their confidence in the structure of their company. Their income was largely unaffected, even though the factory remained closed.

“The cooperative system has given us peace,” she said.

Rachel Chaundler contributed to the coverage.