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In Myanmar Coup, Paint, Poems and Protest Artwork Equals Defiance

For most of the nights since a coup returned Myanmar to military rule on February 1, a spectral symbol of protest has shone on a moldy side of a building.

Where the next lighting will appear in Yangon, the country’s largest city, is a mystery. But suddenly a projected image appears in the dark. Three fingers raised in rebellion. A dove of peace. The smiling face of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, whose government was overthrown in the military coup.

The projections are from a filmmaker who wishes to remain anonymous while the military hunt down those who dare to oppose it.

Armed with brushes, poems and protest anthems, the creative classes give Myanmar’s mass uprising an imaginative oomph and rebellious spirit that surprised the military generals.

During the daily street rallies in the country’s big cities, the atmosphere often feels like a cultural carnival. Graffiti artists have sprayed messages about Major General Min Aung Hlaing, the army chief who orchestrated the coup. Poets have declaimed in angry verses. A cartoonists’ union marched with hand-drawn characters. Street dancers whirled around with devotion.

On Wednesday, hundreds of thousands of people gathered in a central district at the largest single rally since the street protests began in Yangon, holding up posters and signs designed for the Instagram generation.

“When we look at the history of the resistance in Myanmar, we have been quite aggressive and confrontational with that history of bloodshed,” said Ko Kyaw Nanda, a graphic designer whose protest art contrasts green pig heads (the army) with ruby ​​heels (Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi). “With this new approach, it can be less risky for people and more people can join.”

Myanmar’s military, which has ruled the nation for the most part for the past six decades, has detained more than 450 people since the coup, according to a group that persecutes political prisoners. The new regime has drastically curtailed civil liberties and its long history of forcible suppression of disagreements continues. Security forces have shot and beaten anti-coup protesters, but the weapons of dictatorship have not stopped peaceful protesters from relying on humorous memes and protest art to get them through.

“If the young people are on the street, why can’t I be?” said Daw Nu Nu Win, a retired official, who carried a laminated sign with Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi’s face at the rally on Wednesday. “I want the whole nation not to be under the dictatorship.”

Online art collectives made their designs for free so protesters could print them out for signs, stickers or t-shirts. One of the most popular pieces shows a collection of hands arranged in a three-finger salute from “The Hunger Games” films. Each hand was drawn by a different artist, a mosaic of defiance.

As she watched the protests grow, a freelance graphic designer known by the stage name Kuecool decided that she wanted to make a contribution. Even though she had illustrated a book on feminism, she hadn’t viewed herself as overtly political during her years at a PR agency.

She was shocked by the overthrow of the elected government by the military, which she did not like to see. She began to draw into the night.

One of her images is often used in the protest movement today: a young woman in a traditional sarong swinging a wok and a spatula. The background is purple, the characteristic color of the National League for Democracy, which was excluded from the government despite two landslide election victories.

Every evening at 8 p.m., cities across Myanmar have teamed up with the noise of people beating pots, pans, woks and anything else that causes a stir. The goal is to fend off the devil, and it is also during this period that the art of projection appears, adding visual elements to the noise of discontent.

Myanmar’s military rulers have long seen the arts as a threat, imprisoning poets, actors, painters and rappers. Among the dozen of people caught alongside Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi in the first raids of the coup before dawn included a filmmaker, two writers and a reggae singer. A graffiti artist whose protest tags have enlivened Yangon for the past two weeks said he was on the run from the police. Two poets were like that. Arrest warrants were issued for actors, directors and a singer on Wednesday.

Ko Zayar Thaw was a member of Generation Wave, a hip-hop collective that challenged the former ruling junta with clever text. After spending five years in prison for activism, he joined the National League for Democracy when it ran a by-election in 2012. Mr. Zayar Thaw won a parliamentary seat in what was once considered a military stronghold and settled down with tons of parliamentary paperwork thinking he had left his days of artistic protest behind.

“Hip-hop artists already have a culture of revolution, so our generation protested with songs,” he said. “Now all kinds of artists are involved because they don’t want to lose the value of democracy.”

The artistic ferment in Myanmar today has relied on other regional protest movements. During their month-long disagreement in Hong Kong, young protesters enlivened their rallies with cute cartoons and brightly colored walls of sticky notes reminiscent of the so-called Lennon Wall in Prague, where art and messages of dissent against communism proliferated. Motivated by a previous incarnation of the opposition, the demonstrators in Hong Kong popularized the use of the yellow umbrella against water cannons and turned it into a powerful meme.

In return, the Hong Kong democracy movement has spurred pro-democracy protesters in Thailand who held mass rallies for months over the past year. Encouraged by the capricious power in Hong Kong, Thai protesters who defended a prime minister who led a military coup in 2014 used inflatable rubber duck rafts to repel water cannons. They popularized the use of the greeting “The Hunger Games,” which Thailand’s former junta initially tried to ban with their states of emergency. (Nobody really listened.)

A few days after the coup in Myanmar, doctors who started a civil disobedience movement that has now forced around 750,000 people to stop going to work flashed their three fingers in protest. The greeting is now the leitmotif of rallies in Myanmar, along with characters in English – even better to attract international attention – denouncing the military takeover.

“I was inspired by the way protesters in Hong Kong and Thailand used creativity and humor in their protests,” said Kyaw Nanda, the graphic designer.

The counter-currents of protest flow in both directions. Last week a Thai youth group accepted the Myanmar saucepan campaign for a protest in Bangkok.

“There is a struggle for democracy, human rights and justice in the region,” said U Aye Ko, a painter in Myanmar whose art has long expressed political aspirations. “The movement goes beyond the problem of a nation. We have all come together to resist oppression. “

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U.S. calls on China to sentence Myanmar coup in first excessive stage dialog

U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken speaks during a visit by U.S. President Joe Biden to the U.S. Department of State in Washington on February 4, 2021.

Tom Brenner | Reuters

US Secretary of State Antony Blinken urged China to condemn the military coup in Myanmar and warned Beijing that Washington would work with its allies to hold the People’s Republic accountable for its efforts to threaten international stability, particularly on the Taiwan Strait.

Blinken spoke to his Foreign Secretary Yang Jiechi late Friday in the first conversation between senior US and Chinese officials since President Joe Biden took office. The top US diplomat emphasized human rights in the appeal, while Yang urged Washington to respect China’s sovereignty.

“Minister Blinken stressed that the United States would continue to stand up for human rights and democratic values, including in Xinjiang, Tibet and Hong Kong, and urged China to join the international community in condemning the military coup in Burma,” said Ned, spokesman for the White House Price said in a statement. Myanmar is also known as Burma.

The controversial call between top diplomats in Washington and Beijing shows that relations between the world’s two largest economies are unlikely to improve under the Biden administration. Yang urged the US not to interfere in China’s internal affairs in Hong Kong, Xinjiang and Tibet. Yang warned Blinken that any attempt to slander China would be unsuccessful.

Tensions between the US and China reached a boiling point under the Trump administration. Although President Joe Biden is reviewing a number of Trump-era foreign policy decisions, it is unlikely to reverse most of the previous administration’s policy towards China. Biden has already announced that he will not immediately remove the hundreds of billions of dollars in tariffs that Trump has imposed on Chinese exports as the new administration also tries to keep trade strict.

On the day before Biden’s inauguration, the Trump administration labeled the repression of Uighur Muslims in western China’s Xinjiang province as genocide and a crime against humanity. As soon as Trump stepped down, Beijing imposed sanctions on former administrative officials, including former Secretary of State Mike Pompeo and trade advisor Peter Navarro.

Women with red ribbons hold candles during a nighttime protest against the military coup in Yangon, Myanmar, on February 5, 2021.

Reuters

The Biden administration will maintain the genocidal designation, Biden’s candidate for UN Ambassador Linda Thomas-Greenfield said during her confirmation hearing. Biden had condemned China’s actions in Xinjiang as genocide during its presidential campaign.

The White House is already facing its first major international hotspot with China after the Myanmar military toppled and arrested the country’s civilian leadership earlier this month.

The US has warned that if it does not release the imprisoned civilian leadership and support the country’s democratic transition, it will take action against those responsible for the coup. For its part, China has avoided condemning the coup and has instead called for a solution to the crisis in accordance with the country’s constitution.

Tensions are also mounting in Taiwan. Beijing claims sovereignty over Taiwan, which is self-governing under the umbrella of US security guarantees. Days after Biden’s inauguration, China sent fighter jets across the strait and was convicted by Washington. On Thursday, a US Navy warship sailed through the strait for the first time since Biden took office.

“The Secretary reaffirmed that the United States will work with its allies and partners to defend our common values ​​and interests and hold the PRC accountable for its efforts to threaten and undermine stability in the Indo-Pacific, including the Taiwan Strait pull the rules-based international system, “State Department spokesman Price said of Blinken’s Friday call.

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To Battle or Cover: Worry Grips Myanmar With Navy Again in Cost

The red balloons rose over a frightened city. Hundreds of them hovered over the golden tower of Sule Pagoda in Yangon, the commercial capital of Myanmar, and drifted along an avenue where more than a dozen years ago soldiers shot dead citizens marching peacefully for democracy.

The balloons hovering over Yangon were released by activists, expressing their hope that elected leaders, detained in a military coup, would be free again. The color – later pink after red balloons sold out – symbolized the party of the National League for Democracy, which until Monday led the civilian government headed by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi.

On Saturday, balloons weren’t enough and the protesters’ familiar footsteps rang out in the city. When armed policemen stood behind protective shields, the demonstrators demanded “democracy rise, the military dictatorship fall” and sang protest anthems that once brought prison sentences.

With the abrupt takeover of power by the generals, the people of Myanmar are back in the crosshairs of the military – and increasingly cut off from the world. Although the coup led by Lieutenant General Min Aung Hlaing, the army chief, was bloodless itself, the military has resorted to familiar tactics in recent days: dozens of arrests, strikes by mysterious thugs, telecommunications outages, and this time social media bans on Facebook, Twitter and Instagram . A whole class of people – including poets, painters, reporters, and rap artists – have gone into hiding.

When officers of the special department, the fearsome secret service, knocked on the doors, the muscular memory of living under almost half a century of direct military rule had – look to the left, look to the right, don’t linger too long – people who had resorted to both camouflage and Cunning. The reflexes may have been rusty, but they have set in quickly in this new, uncertain era of terror.

The balloons and marches were among hundreds of acts of defiance by a population whose DNA is encoded with both resistance and vigilance. Every day brings growing disagreements on the street as well as moments of civil disobedience that are as subtle as they are powerful. People test the limits of what can be done and said.

On Saturday, thousands of people wearing hard hats and face masks marched in Yangon for the largest rally since the coup. But the world couldn’t watch. Live social media feeds of the protests were abruptly shut down as mobile internet, and then broadband services across the country were cut, just as they were during the coup.

Around the same time, in Mandalay, a convoy of hundreds of cars and motorcycles circled the iconic moat around the city’s old palace, honking their support for the protest movement. Soldiers and policemen stood with guns drawn.

Since the coup, cities across Myanmar have rang with the din of clinking pots, pans, gongs and empty water jugs, a traditional farewell for the devil, who in this case wears army green.

The generals have been busy this week. More than 130 officials and lawmakers and 14 civil society figures were arrested in the early hours of the coup, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners, a group that focuses on political prisoners in Myanmar.

“I will do this until the dwarf Min Aung Hlaing dies,” said Daw Marlar, a participant in the protests. “I will fight until I die.”

On an offshore natural gas platform, workers in orange overalls waved red ribbons to support the National League for Democracy. More than 500 instructors at Yangon University also wanted to join the campaign, but activists had only prepared 200 tapes. The doctors posed with three fingers in a rebellious gesture from the “Hunger Games” films. The entire staff of the Ministry of Social Affairs resigned.

On Monday, the day of the coup, a daughter of Dr. Si Thu Kyaw, a surgeon at Mandalay General Hospital, was born. The 34-year-old doctor greeted his newborn baby and then led a campaign against civil disobedience among medical professionals.

“We went through life in fear under the military junta, but we will not let it happen to the next generation,” he said. “We are not afraid of the military. We are not afraid of their weapons. If we agree, it’s like we’re in the morgue. We have to fight back. “

The generals may have ruled Myanmar for nearly 50 years, but they are taking over a country that has changed remarkably over the past decade. In 2007, in downtown Yangon, invisible blood seeped into the burgundy robes of Buddhist monks who were shot by soldiers in yet another downcast protest movement. Discarded flip-flops indicated panicked feet fleeing bullets. The nation was largely unplugged at the time, and cell phone cards were only available to those who could pay $ 3,000. News whispered in tea shops.

Today there are skyscrapers and shopping malls, billboards for iPhones and cafes suitable for Instagram in the same streets. It often feels like all of Myanmar is on Facebook. Shortly after the Department of Transportation and Communications blocked the social media site, the use of virtual private networks to circumvent the ban rose 6,700 percent, according to a technology research firm. Twitter and Instagram bans followed.

By Friday, the campaign against civil disobedience had harnessed the energy of students and even some soldiers. Satirical memes and protest art have increased. A national association representing the interests of Nats and Weizzas, the various ghosts and wizards believed to live in the country, said it would cast a spell over the coup plotters. The organization was created after the military takeover on Monday.

Some young people defiantly bow to the light of their phones and remain defiant. The generation with the panda eyes, as they call themselves, mounts vigils night after night.

On Facebook, a grandson of a former junta leader, retired Lieutenant General Than Shwe, posted a sticker with bouncing teddy bear bottoms to aid someone deciphering the coup. “Stay strong,” he wrote along with emojis with a heart and muscular arms. “You will never go alone.”

Tens of thousands of people liked Facebook campaigns to boycott a beer company and cellular operator that are part of the military’s immense business empire. Another embargo is on a member of the new military cabinet who owns gold and diamond businesses.

The hashtag #savemyanmar has attracted tens of millions of supporters, and even Rihanna, the pop singer, sent her prayers to the citizens of the country.

But when the resistance has become sharper and more refined, the military still shows its strength. 21 people were picked up by police on Thursday evening, banging pots and pans in Mandalay. Activists and reporters were shadowed again. The generals transferred power to the National League for Democracy in 2015 after the party won elections in a landslide, but they did not dismantle the vast security apparatus that had locked the country in place for decades.

In the elections last November, the National League for Democracy received an even more crucial mandate. But the army, whose proxy party did terribly, claimed that the election was tarnished by fraud.

It did not help that, even in the years of hybrid military-civil governance, the number of political prisoners grew larger than in the previous era of transitional military rule. The Relief Society for Political Prisoners says that before the coup, more than 700 people were either in jail or tried for crimes of conscience.

The army, which has vowed to rule for at least a year with a board of 15 member states reporting to General Min Aung Hlaing, has shown that it will use any legal pretext to imprison people.

A court document surfaced Wednesday confirming that Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi, a Nobel Peace Prize winner who had been under house arrest for 15 years, was charged with an arcane violation related to walkie-talkies and other imported equipment in her mansion was Naypyidaw, the capital. President U Win Myint, who was also detained Monday, faces separate charges of violating coronavirus regulations by welcoming supporters in last year’s election campaign.

The charges against the two civilian leaders may seem absurd, but they could jail anyone for up to three years, which is a reminder that Myanmar can be run like a penal state. In 2016, a poet who wrote about a former president’s tattoo on his penis was sentenced to six months in prison for online defamation. During the years of direct military rule, critics of the army were imprisoned for holding foreign currency and reversing on motorcycles, among other things.

The coup on Monday took place before daybreak, when the taps were not overcrowded and the monks had not gone barefoot to their morning pastures. As dusk falls every night after the army is taken over, the national mood is desperate. Who will be taken tonight?

Since little information is known about the fate of those still in custody – some have been released and placed under house arrest – people again rely on “oral radio”, as rumors are called.

“We know that protesting on the street is very risky, but we have to do it,” said Ko Ye Win Aung, a protest organizer. “We cannot let democracy go backwards.”

If there is one constant, as Myanmar’s military is called, in the history of the Tatmadaw, it is a willingness to shed blood. The military put down tens of thousands of protests in 1988 and 2007. When Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi was under house arrest in 2003, generals sent thugs into her convoy and killed dozen.

And in the border areas of the nation the Tatmadaw has killed, raped and burned. According to United Nations investigators, a genocide was committed against the Rohingya, which culminated in an exodus of the Muslim minority in 2017.

As protests intensify, some fear that bloody crackdown will be inevitable. U Tun Shein, a trishaw driver, said he peeled a photo of Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi from his vehicle.

“She will still be in my heart,” he said.

On Thursday, U Win Htein, an elder from the National League for Democracy, sat in his home awaiting arrest.

Win Htein, a former army captain who joined the opposition movement and became one of Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi’s closest advisers, spent about 20 years in prison. In the notorious Insein Prison, he read international business papers and wrote love letters to his wife.

When he was released in 2010, the same year as Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi, he joked that he was “out for the time being” and made fun of others in the National League for Democracy who had served shorter sentences. Mr. Win Htein became a legislator in the civil government.

Around midnight, in the shade between Thursday and Friday, soldiers and men from Special Branch came for him. Win Htein, 79, was charged with criticizing the coup.

“I’m back,” Win Htein said hours earlier, short for imprisonment. “But do not worry. My heart is free “

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In Myanmar, a Cult of Persona Meets Its Downfall

BANGKOK – When an election landslide led the National League for Democracy to a position of power in Myanmar for the first time, the party was given a robust mandate to pull the country out of the grip of the army after decades of ruthless military rule.

The challenge was to find a way to continue his agenda without inciting retaliation from the military. Under the country’s military-drafted constitution, the party had to share power with the army that once imprisoned many of its leaders.

It pushed hard on its primary goal – to strengthen the power of its unique leader, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. In other respects it was in step with the military and left many of its repressive laws in place. But it also lived in fear, and the party acted cautiously after a key legal adviser was murdered.

For the National League for Democracy (NLD), one fundamental truth could not escape: the generals always had the upper hand. They handled it boldly on Monday and regained full power in a coup d’état.

“It has always depended on the goodwill of a single person, the commander in chief, not to use force to achieve its goal,” said Richard Horsey, a political analyst in Yangon, Myanmar’s largest city. “The National League for Democracy always believed that a coup was about to happen, even if it wasn’t. This time it was. “

The commander in chief, Maj. Gen. Min Aung Hlaing, claimed the November elections were fraudulent, declared a state of emergency on Monday, asserted himself as the nation’s leader and imprisoned Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi and other civilian leaders.

For the military known as the Tatmadaw, the final straw seems to have been the one-sided outcome of that election, which led the NLD to an even greater victory than the one that first brought them to power in 2015’s crushing defeat.

Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi, who was under house arrest for 15 years during the previous era of military rule, now faces a possible prison sentence for illegally importing walkie-talkies. The country has appeared largely peaceful in the days since the coup, despite a government ministry ordering Facebook to be blocked until Sunday.

The NLD, which began as a broad-based anti-military movement, became a vehicle for the ambitions of one woman: Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi.

The NLD was co-founded by Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi in 1988 during a wave of pro-democracy protests that helped make it known around the world and was awarded a Nobel Peace Prize three years later. With her at its head, the party united a broad coalition, from leftists to ex-military officers, that opposed the dominance of the army.

While the word “democracy” remains part of his name and origins, the party has been less than a beacon of democratic values ​​for years.

In the November elections, the party-appointed electoral commission banned millions of people of different ethnicities, including persecuted Rohingya Muslims, from the ballot box.

Over the years, Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi built the NLD in her own image. Critics called it a personality cult. Often criticized for her stubbornness and authoritative style, she has kept the party firmly under her command and is known for demanding loyalty and obedience from its supporters.

Initially, the party’s top-down structure was based on its need to survive under military rule as many of its leaders were picked up and sentenced to long prison terms. The allegations were obscure at times – like a bodyguard’s briefing in martial arts – but the effect was no less severe.

“The rigid nature of the NLD was forged by military persecution,” said David Scott Mathieson, a longtime Myanmar analyst. “They could only trust each other.”

This strict hierarchy also reflected the party’s military legacy.

The other four co-founders of the NLD were senior retired military officers, including U Tin Oo, a former commander in chief of Tatmadaw. Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi’s father, General Aung San, was the founder and leader of the nation’s independence movement until he was assassinated in 1947.

While the organization started as a grassroots movement, Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi always showed respect for the institution her father founded, even when her generals imprisoned her.

“She saw it as her destiny to end her father’s business,” said Mr. Horsey. “The NLD was more about Suu Kyi than about being a party.”

In the first days after the party’s 2015 election victory, its leaders were cautious about challenging the military. However, others say they could have done more, such as repealing repressive laws and protecting the rights of activists and ethnic groups.

“They could have done many things while in power,” said Nyo Nyo Thin, a former regional lawmaker. “You could have passed a law to limit the commander-in-chief’s power.”

However, party leaders were concerned that any move to undermine the Tatmadaw’s authority could spark a coup.

“The thought was if you do it too fast, the military has an excuse to come in,” said Myanmar analyst Mathieson. “They’d say, ‘It took us years to get here, we’re not going to screw it up now.'”

When the party formed its first government in 2016, one of its first challenges was circumventing a military constitutional provision that specifically excluded Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi from serving as president.

On the advice of a prominent human rights attorney, U Ko Ni, the party created the post of state advisor, which is not enshrined in the constitution but resembles the head of state. Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi assumed the title of state advisor and promptly declared herself over the president.

“She shared many political instincts with the military,” said Horsey, the Yangon analyst. “There were many things that they agreed on. What challenged her was her firm belief that she should be president. “

Mr. Ko Ni also had a plan to replace the military-drafted constitution with a new version that would deprive the Tatmadaw of its extraordinary powers. But Mr. Ko Ni was shot dead in broad daylight at Yangon Airport in early 2017 while he was holding his grandchild. The plan was postponed.

“This bullet wasn’t just for Ko Ni,” said a colleague at the time, human rights lawyer U Thein Than Oo. “It was for the NLD”

Four men were convicted of the murder, including two former military officers, but it was never proven that the Tatmadaw ordered the murder. An ex-colonel was identified as a mastermind, but he was never arrested.

The attack – and the risk of further violent retaliation – hung like a cloud over relations between the party and the military. The party only presented the military constitutional authority with new challenges last year when it unsuccessfully proposed reducing the military’s seat in parliament.

“The result was that the NLD became much more cautious and they became even more convinced that they were in an existential battle,” said Horsey.

Ultimately, Myanmar’s controversial civil-military partnership disintegrated over the competing desires of two people to become president: the lady and the general.

General Min Aung Hlaing has promised to hold new elections within a year. Many doubt that he will keep his promise. A free election with all participating parties would probably not bring him the desired result.

“The military has two problems,” Horsey said. “Aung San Suu Kyi is incredibly popular and you are incredibly unpopular.”

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Myanmar Navy Costs Aung San Suu Kyi With Obscure Infraction

Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, the civilian leader of Myanmar who was deposed by the military in a coup d’état, was charged on Wednesday with an obscure violation: he illegally imported at least 10 walkie-talkies, according to an official from her National League for Democracy Party. The offense can be punished with up to three years in prison.

It was a bizarre epilogue to 48 Hours in which the army put the country’s most popular leader back under house arrest and erased hopes that the Southeast Asian nation might one day serve as a beacon of democracy in a world of increasing authoritarianism.

The surprising use of walkie-talkies to justify imprisoning a Nobel Peace Prize laureate fueled the military’s penchant for using a fine-grained strategy to neutralize its greatest political rival. The country’s ousted president is also jailed for alleged violations of coronavirus restrictions.

The court order to detain Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi, issued by officials from the party that ruled Myanmar until Monday’s coup, was dated the day of the coup and authorized her detention for 15 days. The document states that soldiers ransacking their mansion in Naypyidaw, the capital, uncovered various communication devices that had been brought into the country without proper paperwork.

The coup replaced an elected government that was viewed by voters as the final defense against a military that had ruled the country for nearly five decades. During its five-year tenure, the National League for Democracy received two sweeping mandates, most recently in the general election last November.

As the coup progressed before dawn, the military resorted to the dictatorship’s well-known game book: shutdown of the Internet service, suspension of flights and imprisonment of its critics. Along with Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi, her most loyal ministers, Buddhist monks, writers, activists and filmmakers were also rounded up.

Yet few soldiers patrolled the streets in the stunned silence that followed the takeover of the military. Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi was back at her mansion in Naypyidaw on Monday evening instead of languishing in one of the country’s notorious prison cells. There were no further mass arrests and the internet came back online.

Relative peace – this seemed to be a largely bloodless coup so far – prompted some people in Myanmar to cautiously raise their voices against the reintroduction of military rule. While some people removed the National League for Democracy flags from outside their homes, others took part in small-scale campaigns against civil disobedience, beating pots and pans, or honking their car horns to protest the coup.

Dozens of workers on a cellular network quit to object to their employer’s military connections. The doctors at a hospital posed together with three fingers each, which were raised in a defiant greeting from the films “Hunger Games”. The gesture has become a symbol of the pro-democracy demonstrations in neighboring Thailand, where coup rumors have surfaced.

The charges against Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi, who had been under house arrest for a total of 15 years before the generals released her in 2010, echoed previous allegations of esoteric legal crimes. In one case, Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi’s prison was extended because an American swam to her lakeside villa unannounced and she violated the terms of her detention.

But when such crimes seem absurd, they have real consequences. The military had made a habit of getting rid of political rivals and critics by charging them with arcane crimes.

Along with Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi, President U Win Myint, one of her political acolytes, who was also arrested on Monday, was issued a warrant for violating emergency coronavirus regulations. According to U Kyi Toe, the National League for Democracy official, he was accused of greeting a car full of supporters during the campaign season last year.

If Mr. Win Myint is found guilty, he faces three years in prison. Keeping a criminal record could prevent him from returning to the presidency.

On Tuesday, the United Nations Security Council, which had convened a private emergency meeting in Myanmar, declined to issue a statement condemning the coup. China and Russia rejected such a step.

In Washington, the State Department said the takeover of the military was indeed a coup, a label that will affect US foreign aid to the country.

Myanmar’s military, known as the Tatmadaw, staged its first coup in 1962, a bloody exercise that paved the way for nearly five decades of direct iron-fisted rule. Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi and the leaders of her National League for Democracy were imprisoned during their political heyday.

The generals ordered the massacres of pro-democracy protesters and dispatched soldiers to remove ethnic minorities from their country. Even when the junta began giving space to a civil administration to operate, it made sure that the army would still control much of the economic and political sphere.

The confirmation of the charges against Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi, who was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 1991 for her peaceful resistance to the army, ended in a whirlwind of rumors on Wednesday. In the early afternoon, lawmakers of the National League for Democracy exchanged misinformation even when they were in military custody themselves.

One rumor said she would be charged with high treason, a crime that can be punished with death. Another repetition said she was accused of electoral fraud. Nobody suspected that their alleged sin would involve walkie-talkies.

In a statement released Tuesday by the army chief’s office, Maj. Gen. Min Aung Hlaing, the Tatmadaw said he was acting in the best interests of the citizens of Myanmar.

“For successive periods, the Myanmar Tatmadaw has kept the ‘people are the parents’ motto’ in relation to the people,” the statement said before insisting that the mass fraud in last November elections forced them to take the stage had a coup.

The National League for Democracy, which oversaw the nation’s electoral commission, denied the Tatmadaw’s allegations that voter manipulation had led to the poor demeanor of the military’s proxy party.

On Wednesday, the National League for Democracy lawmakers, who had been confined to their homes by soldiers, issued a statement saying they continue to support Mr. Win Myint as president. They rejected proposals that they had been released from their legislative obligations. The National Assembly was due to meet on the day of the coup for the first time since the November elections.

“Stop intervention,” lawmakers warned the Tatmadaw. There seemed to be a warning two days late.

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In Myanmar Coup, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi Ends as Neither Democracy Hero nor Navy Foil

During the years when Myanmar was intimidated by a military junta, people hid secret photos of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, talismans of the heroine of democracy who would save their country from a fearsome army despite being under house arrest.

But after she and her party won historic elections in 2015 and last year through a landslide that cemented civilian government and her own popularity in Myanmar, Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi was seen by the outside world as something entirely different: as a fallen patron saint, the had made a Faust pact with the generals and no longer deserved their Nobel Peace Prize.

In the end, Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi, 75, was unable to protect her people or appease the generals. On Monday, the military, which had ruled the country for nearly five decades, took power again in a coup d’état and disrupted the governance of their National League for Democracy after just five years.

Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi, along with her top ministers and a number of pro-democracy figures, were arrested in a raid before dawn. The round-up of the military’s critics continued until Monday evening, and the country’s telecommunications networks were constantly disrupted.

Government billboards across the country still carried their image and that of their party’s struggling peacock. But the army, under Major General Min Aung Hlaing, was again responsible.

The disappearance of Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi, who represented two completely different archetypes in front of two different audiences at home and abroad, proved that she was unable to do what so many expected: a political balance with the military with whom she shared power.

Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi lost the military’s ear when she halted negotiations with General Min Aung Hlaing. And by defending the generals in their ethnic cleansing of the Rohingya Muslims, she lost the trust of an international community that had campaigned for them for decades.

“Aung San Suu Kyi dismissed international critics, claiming that she was not a human rights activist but a politician. But the sad part is, she wasn’t very good at it either, ”said Phil Robertson, assistant Asia director for Human Rights Watch. “It failed a major moral test by covering up the military’s atrocities against the Rohingya. But detente with the military never materialized, and their landslide election victory is now being undone by a coup. “

President Biden made a strongly worded statement in the first test of his response to a coup designed to turn a democratic election upside down, which appeared to be different from the way his predecessor handled human rights issues.

“In a democracy, violence should never attempt to override the will of the people or attempt to obliterate the outcome of a credible election,” he said, using language similar to his own after the January 6 siege of the US Capitol Choice to overthrow. He called on the nations to “come together with one voice” to urge the military in Myanmar to give up power immediately.

“The United States takes note of those standing together with the people of Burma at this difficult hour,” he added, using the former name for Myanmar as it is still used by the US government.

The speed at which Myanmar’s democratic era was disintegrating was staggering, even for a country that had been under direct military rule for almost half a century and spun with coup rumors for days.

In November, its National League for Democracy put pressure on the military’s proxy party as many voters once again selected Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi’s political force as the best and only weapon to contain the generals. Her army placement for the past five years has been viewed by some as political jujitsu rather than appeasement.

The military, which retained significant power in the “discipline of flourishing democracy” that it had designed, complained of mass fraud. On January 28th, representatives of General Min Aung Hlaing sent a letter to Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi ordering a recount and a delay in the opening of parliament.

The military’s takeover of full power on Monday went hand in hand with a year-long state of emergency declaration that shattered any illusions that Myanmar was providing the world with an example of democracy on the rise, however flawed it may be.

“She’s the only person who can stand up to the military,” said U Aung Kyaw, a 73-year-old retired teacher. “We would all have voted for her forever, but today is the saddest day of my life because she’s gone again.”

Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi had close ties with the best of the military from the start, and her National League for Democracy was formed in alliance with senior military officials. After emerging from house arrest in 2010, she often dined with a former junta member who had imprisoned her.

Her followers said the coziness was more than Buddhist equanimity or political tactics. The daughter of the founder of the modern Myanmar army, Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi, has publicly said that she has a great affection for the military.

When the military stepped up its attack on Rohingya Muslims in 2017, Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi appeared to display a synchronicity of emotions with the generals that exceeded mere political benefit.

According to United Nations investigators, the slaughter and village burnings, in which three quarters of a million members of the Muslim minority fled to neighboring Bangladesh, were carried out with genocidal intent. At the International Court of Justice in 2019, Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi, who served as Myanmar Foreign Minister and State Advisor, dismissed the violence as an “internal conflict” in which the army may have used disproportionate force.

Her tone towards the Rohingya seemed almost scornful, and she followed the example of the military in not mentioning her name so that her identity would not become human.

“Some will be tempted to believe that she has unsuccessfully enlisted in the military, that she has defended and still lost genocide for political favor,” said Matthew Smith, founder of Fortify Rights, a human rights watchdog. “Aung San Suu Kyi did not defend the military in court to maintain the balance of power. She defended the military as well as her own role in the atrocities. She was part of the problem. “

Even when Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi apologized to the military for decades of persecution, her relationship with General Min Aung Hlaing was frayed, according to her advisors and retired military officials. Her increasing popularity with Myanmar’s Buddhist majority has been increasingly viewed as a threat by the generals, and she has not spoken to the army chief in at least a year – a dangerous silence in a country where politics is deeply personal.

The normal precedent was that General Min Aung Hlaing, whose family and acolytes benefited from his decade in power, should relinquish his position as army chief in 2016. He extended his term and vowed to retire for good this summer.

Due to the poor communication between the commander in chief and Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi, it became increasingly difficult for him to secure an outcome in which his patronage network would survive, military and political analysts said. General Min Aung Hlaing announced through his proxy that he may also have political ambitions. Some even announced his name as president, a position Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi is constitutionally prohibited from holding.

After the coup on Monday, the army chief will have ultimate authority in his hands for at least a year after the coup on Monday. You have put yourself back into full relevance, no matter how many voters chose Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi. By Monday evening, the army had announced the outline of a new cabinet staffed with active and retired military officers.

The brazen return of the military is a reminder that despite all of the abuses Myanmar’s general coupling committed during its decades-long takeover – systematic repression of ethnic minorities, massacres of pro-democracy demonstrators, dismantling of a once promising economy – not a single high-ranking military officer came before Court fully accountable.

Barbara Woodward, the United Nations Ambassador to Britain, who holds the presidency of the Security Council in February, said the council would meet on Tuesday on the crisis in Myanmar. “We want to have as constructive a discussion as possible and examine a number of measures,” she said, and she would not rule out possible sanctions against the putschists.

“We want to respect the democratic will of the people again,” the ambassador told reporters.

In Washington, Mr Biden’s testimony clearly indicated that the US government would also consider reimposing sanctions if the coup was not reversed. The United States had “lifted sanctions against Burma over the past decade as a result of progress made towards democracy.”

However, some officials, who spoke in the background because they were not authorized to speak to the press, noted that the effects of Western sanctions could be cushioned by China, even if they were restored. Chinese telecom giant Huawei is building Myanmar’s 5G telecom networks over US objections, and China has dominated dam, pipeline and energy project construction.

On Monday, as dusk fell on a nation still in shock from the military takeover, the old fears and survival tactics resurfaced, untrained but still in muscle memory. Individuals took their flags from the National League for Democracy. You spoke in code.

Amid the coronavirus pandemic, the Minister of Health, appointed by the National League for Democracy, submitted his resignation “according to the evolving situation”. In the evening, the military began rounding up the National League for Democracy legislators from their homes in the capital, Naypyidaw.

“We are concerned that the military will cast a wider web of their arrests,” said Smith of Fortify Rights. “I’m afraid we’re only just seeing the first stage.”

Late on Monday afternoon, U Ko Ko Gyi, a former student democracy activist who had spent more than 17 years in prison, posted on Facebook that he had so far evaded the magnet that had captured high-ranking politicians.

But he took a family photo as a precaution, he wrote. He said goodbye. His children didn’t know what was going on.

“I have to do what I have to do,” wrote Ko Ko Gyi. “Let’s face it tomorrow.”

David E. Sanger contributed to coverage from Washington.