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World News

Indian vs. Black: Vigilante Killings Upend a South African City

Later that day, the family saw pictures and videos of their bloody and seemingly lifeless bodies on social media.

An Indian homeowner in Phoenix, who spoke anonymously for fear of retaliation, said he saw the two men on the street long after the attack. They were still alive.

He stopped two police cars, both of which stopped briefly before spinning off. A third police vehicle stopped, called an ambulance, and waited for it to arrive before leaving, he said.

However, the privately owned ambulance only treated the men briefly before leaving them alive on the side of the road, the local resident said. The next day a hearse came to pick her up. Their bodies were cremated, family members said.

A relative, Thulani Dube, said they didn’t deserve to be killed even if they looted.

At the cousins’ funeral, in a tent in a spacious field with brown grass behind a family house in KwaMashu, loved ones cried and boiled, but also thought of the good times: Mlondi, a 28-year-old father of two, just had his celebrated first wedding anniversary. Delani, 41, a world-traveling dance instructor, was preparing for a trip to Russia.

Still, they struggled to understand what had happened – and what it meant for their country.

“I can’t sleep thinking about what I saw in the morgue,” said Mr. Dube, who identified their bodies. “Sometimes the smell fills my nose.”

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World News

Walmart’s Indian e-commerce retailer Flipkart raises $3.6 billion

Workers unload rice bags at a grocery store known as Kirana in Bengaluru, India on Monday June 21, 2021. D.

Dhiraj Singh | Bloomberg | Getty Images

India’s e-commerce giant Flipkart said Monday it had raised $ 3.6 billion in fresh funds from global investors including sovereign wealth funds, private equity and its parent company Walmart.

The new round of funding was led by the Singapore sovereign wealth fund GIC, the Canada Pension Plan Investment Board, SoftBank Vision Fund 2 and Walmart. It also included investments from sovereign wealth funds such as Qatar Investment Authority, Khazanah Nasional Berhad from Malaysia and DisruptAD, the venture arm of the Abu Dhabi sovereign wealth fund, ADQ.

Other donors included Tencent from China, Franklin Templeton and Tiger Global.

“This investment by leading global investors reflects the promise of digital commerce in India and their belief in Flipkart’s ability to maximize that potential for everyone involved,” said Kalyan Krishnamurthy, CEO of Flipkart, in a statement.

He said the company will focus on helping millions of Indian small and medium-sized businesses grow, including small family-owned grocery stores known as kiranas, and plans to continue investing in new categories and domestic technology.

SoftBank’s return

Japan-based SoftBank had previously sold its Flipkart stake to Walmart in 2018, and their return comes at a time when the Indian company is reportedly considering potential stock exchange options. Flipkart said it now has a valuation of $ 37.6 billion.

SoftBank has supported other Indian tech startups, such as digital payments company Paytm, budget hotel room start-up Oyo and ride-sharing company Ola.

“SoftBank’s re-investment in Flipkart is driven by our experience and the belief of the company’s management team to continue serving the needs of Indian consumers for decades to come,” said Lydia Jett, partner at SoftBank Investment Advisers, in a statement.

India’s e-commerce potential

Most of the retail business in India takes place in brick and mortar stores, but the online the potential remains enormous: India has one of the fastest growing and largest internet populations in the world.

In recent years, a combination of reforms, a push toward digitization, and last year’s coronavirus pandemic – and subsequent national and regional lockdowns – has shifted some of the transactions online.

In the last three months of 2020, India’s e-commerce sector grew 36% in volume and 30% in value year-over-year, according to a joint report by Unicommerce and Kearney.

The personal care, beauty and wellness category grew 95% year-over-year, while consumer goods and health care grew 46%. According to the report, most of the incremental growth was driven by sharp spikes in e-commerce volume and value in India’s tier 2 and tier 3 cities.

Flipkart’s competitors include US e-commerce giant Amazon, which has invested billions of dollars in the Indian market, as well as local names like JioMart, Reliance Industries’ online grocery delivery app.

For its part, the Indian government reportedly proposed new draft e-commerce rules in June that are expected to affect Flipkart and Amazon India.

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Health

How the U.S. Indian Well being Service works

Alaskan Indians and Native Americans are entitled to government-funded health care under contracts negotiated between tribal states and the US government.

“Our contracts state that we have a right to health care from the federal government,” said Abigail Echo-Hawk, a registered member of the Pawnee Nation of Oklahoma and executive vice president of the Seattle Indian Health Board. “This is supposed to be high quality health care provided to enrolled members of nationally recognized tribes free of charge because we have already paid for it with the land where the United States is located.”

However, according to a 2018 report by the independent and bipartisan Commission on Civil Rights, the US government has not adequately funded these programs, leaving many indigenous communities unable to provide quality care.

“Unless we get the resources we need, it will always be a struggle for us to address the underlying health conditions that have arisen as a result of colonial oppression and repression of both our health and our economic prosperity.” within the Indian country, “said Echo-Hawk.” Until we see full funding for the Indian health service, we will always struggle to do more than just meet the immediate needs of our people. “

In an email statement sent to CNBC, the Indian health service said it has received more than $ 9 billion in “historic investments” since the beginning of the Covid-19 pandemic, “to support long-standing health Addressing Alaskan and Native American inequalities to ensure a comprehensive public health response to the ongoing Covid-19 pandemic. “

Watch the video above to learn how federally funded health care for Alaskan Indians and Native Americans works, and why many activists and experts want the system to be reformed.

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Business

Twitter Calls on Indian Authorities to Respect Free Speech

NEW DELHI – Twitter on Thursday opposed India’s increasingly persistent efforts to control online language, urged the government to respect freedom of expression and criticized the country’s police force “intimidating” tactics.

The statement comes as Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s Indian government faces mounting pressure to deal with a devastating second wave of the coronavirus. Many of these complaints have been broadcast on Twitter and elsewhere online.

The government has tried hard to get the narrative back. On Thursday, Twitter said it had received a notice of non-compliance with Indian information technology laws. The notice asked the company to remove content critical of the government’s handling of the coronavirus and farmers’ protests, including some published by journalists, activists and politicians.

Under Indian law, Twitter executives in India could face up to seven years’ imprisonment if the company fails to follow government instructions to remove content it deems subversive or a threat to public order and national security adheres to.

In its statement, the San Francisco-based social media service said it plans to persuade India’s leaders to change new regulations that give authorities more leverage over online platforms.

“At the moment we are concerned about recent events regarding our workforce in India and the potential threat to freedom of expression for the people we serve,” the statement said.

Citing the new information technology regulations, he added, “We have concerns, along with many in civil society in India and around the world, about the police’s use of intimidation tactics in response to enforcement of our global terms of use, as well as core elements of the new IT rules. “

Twitter’s statement came just days after officers from an elite counter-terrorism police force visited the company’s New Delhi offices. They protested the way the company had labeled posts by high-ranking officials from India’s ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)

These officials had posted documents on Twitter that provided evidence that opposition politicians were planning to use the country’s coronavirus crisis as a political stick. Twitter described them as “manipulated media” in response to allegations that the documents were forged.

Even before the coronavirus hit, Mr Modi’s government and the BJP had taken ever stronger steps to contain disagreements in the 1.4 billion country.

In February, Twitter blocked over 500 accounts and removed an unspecified number of other accounts in India after the government accused those accounts of making inflammatory remarks about Mr Modi in connection with protests by angry farmers. Farmers have been camping outside of New Delhi for at least six months to protest the farming laws.

Twitter previously said it would not take action against accounts owned by media organizations, journalists, activists or politicians, and it did not believe the order to block those accounts was “in accordance with Indian law.”

However, on Thursday the company admitted that it had withheld some unverified accounts in these categories from India despite believing the content was “legitimate free speech” under Indian and international law. The company announced last week that it was reopening its review process to allow government officials, media organizations, journalists and activists to apply for a blue tick, a token of credibility online, a process that has been on hold since 2017.

In April, Mr Modi’s government ordered Facebook, Instagram and Twitter to remove dozens of social media posts that were critical of how the pandemic was being handled. The order was addressed to around 100 opposition politicians and included calls for Mr. Modi to step down.

Under the new Internet rules in India, social media companies are required to appoint India-based executives who may be criminally liable for violations and create systems to track and identify the “first author” of posts or messages sent by as The government is classified as “offensive”.

The rules apply to a wide variety of media, including digital news agencies, streaming services like Netflix and Amazon, and social media platforms. According to the regulations announced in February, social media companies were given Tuesday to identify the executives who could be held liable. Streaming services and news agencies were not affected by this particular rule.

Twitter called the requirement “dangerous overreach that is inconsistent with open, democratic principles”. On Wednesday, WhatsApp sued the Indian government in a highly unusual move by Facebook’s own messaging platform, arguing that the guidelines were unconstitutional. Digital rights advocates and groups say the rules could fundamentally change the way Indians use the internet.

“The IT rules violate India’s democratic framework and constitutional guarantees,” said Apar Gupta, executive director of the Internet Freedom Foundation, a rights group. “Several requirements among them are unconstitutional and undermine freedom of expression and privacy for millions of Internet users in India.”

Understand India’s Covid Crisis

India isn’t the only country that has tried to enforce stricter regulations on the internet. The steps have raised questions about how freedom of speech can be reconciled with security and privacy.

In the US, politicians have targeted big tech companies like Facebook and Amazon to influence what people buy and read and how companies treat users’ personal information. European officials are working on new laws that would give the government more powers to remove misinformation and other material deemed toxic.

On Thursday, the Department of Electronics and Information Technology, the Indian branch of government that pressured Twitter to remove material, released a response to the companies’ statement on Koo, a competing service.

“The new rules are only intended to prevent abuse and abuse of social media,” Ravi Shankar Prasad, India’s Minister of Electronics and Information Technology, said in the statement. “The government welcomes criticism, including the right to ask questions.”

In a separate statement on Thursday, the ministry criticized Twitter for its comments, calling them “completely unfounded, false and an attempt to defame India”. The protection of freedom of expression in India is not the “prerogative” of the company.

Last week, the government urged social media platforms, including Twitter and Facebook, to remove all content related to coronavirus variants in India, especially those that indicated the variants were spreading in other countries. Twitter confirmed that it had received the request but had not removed the posts until Thursday evening. Facebook did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

At least one of the variants first seen in India, known as B.1.617.2, now outperforms all other versions of the virus in the UK, scientists in the UK have said, and is present in at least 48 other countries. The government request called this claim “totally wrong”.

Free speech attorneys said the government has no legal basis to ask social media platforms to remove this content, which could apply to news reports and major scientific discussions about the virus in India, where it continues to kill thousands of people every day The country’s health system far beyond its borders.

“The new rules are like a choke collar,” said Devdutta Mukhopadhyay, a lawyer working on freedom of speech in India. “The government will pull on it if it wants to.”

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Entertainment

With Open Ears, Indian Ragas and Western Melodies Merge

Amit Chaudhuri, a writer and singer, combines memoir and musical appreciation in Finding the Raga: An Improvisation of Indian Music, which is now available on the New York Review Books. In it, Chaudhuri records a personal journey that began with a western-oriented love of the singer-songwriter tradition, followed by a headless immersion into Indian classical music.

This legacy remained overwhelming for him until an accident that he describes as “deafness” drew his attention to the elements that ragas and Western sounds have in common – a finding that led to his ongoing recording and performance project “This Is Not Fusion ”.

In the book, Chaudhuri reflects on the raga, the framework of Indian classical music. Resisting the urge to find an analogue to Western tradition, he writes: “A raga is not a mode. That is, it is not a linear movement. It is a simultaneity of notes, a constellation. “Elsewhere he adds that it is neither a melody, nor a composition, nor a scale, nor the sum total of its notes. In an interview, Chaudhuri gave a brief introduction to the raga and described the development of his musical life from childhood to “This Is Not Fusion”. These are edited excerpts from the conversation.

One of the first musical experiences I had was with my mother singing Tagore songs. I grew up in Bombay and remember the calm energy of their style. it wasn’t sentimental, but it was alive. Without realizing it, I was drawn deeply into the sensual immediacy of tone and tempo, and also into a precise style whose emotion lies more in the tone than in the added feeling.

Of course there was also “The Sound of Music” and “My Fair Lady”. I was in love with Julie Andrews for a while. Then when I was 7 or 8 years old my father bought a HiFi turntable that came with some free records that I probably played a role in choosing without being informed in any way. I think one of them was from the Who, which I liked a lot; “I Can See for Miles” was one of my favorite songs. I also had a thing for the early Bee Gees and of course the Beatles.

I started playing guitar when I was 12 and when I was 16 I composed songs in a kind of singer-songwriter form. At the same time I became interested in Hindustani classical music for the first time.

There were several reasons. I had a youthful attraction to difficulty and was more interested in complex tonalities. I listened to Joni Mitchell, and I loved that she could be melodic and open in her harmonic compositions, while being quite complex at the same time. I also knew people like Ravi Shankar, partly because of the Beatles. When we thought of Indian classical music, we basically thought of instrumental music: tabla players playing really exciting rhythmic patterns, getting applause at the end of their improvisational spells, and of course the sitar and sarod. Vocal music seemed a little out of the way, arcane.

But then I heard Vishmadev Chatterjee – what an amazing voice. And at that time there was also this man, Govind Prasad Jaipurwale, who started teaching Hindi devotions to my mother. I realized that while teaching he was doing tiny improvisations with his voice that indicated a different kind of imagination and training. I began to be receptive to the kind of Indian classical music that had always existed but that I had excluded. I asked my mother if I could learn classical music.

For some time different types of music lived side by side. I played a little bit of rock guitar. And I was working on an album that I thought was my way of being a singer-songwriter. My song “Shame” comes from this time. Its melody begins with the note of C sharp, then the word “shame” returns to C sharp in the chorus. It goes to that note after touching C – so chromatic notes are introduced at the end of the chorus with some degree of alienation since the chords are C major and A major. I think I’ve already reacted here to the way notes in North Indian classical music create a hypnotic effect through small shifts.

Then I started practicing a lot of Indian classical music, about four and a half hours a day. And I spent a lot of time listening to music, understanding what happened to the time cycles, and then singing and improvising. Obviously, that took over some of the other musical activities.

I should say that a raga is not a melody. It is not a note, a scale, or a composition – although the raga is sung as part of a composition. However, you can identify the raga by a specific arrangement of notes related to the way they ascend and descend. A certain pattern on the ascent and a certain pattern on the descent characterize the raga.

You can’t introduce notes that aren’t in the raga, but you can slow them down. You can escape the immediate display of the demarcation. Part of this workaround is imagination and creativity. You could climb up to the octave and then you would be done with a series of notes that could be sung in a song in a minute. But doing this for 30, maybe even 40 minutes – that becomes an expansive idea of ​​creation that not only outlines or indicates, but finds different ways of speaking. That is what is at work here, especially in the khayal form.

The extended time cycle allows you to explore these notes to make the ascent and descent very slow. The ear may recognize the fast version of the ectal rhythm system, which sounds like the normal version.

When this additional space occurs, you are not maintaining time in the ordinary sense, but you are aware that the 12 beats of the ektaal have been multiplied by four beats each until they end and you are returning to the beginning.

So there is still so much time left to sing and talk about the progress. That is an extraordinary modernist development. You can hear it in Raga Darbari by Ustad Amir Khan. It’s an amazing shot.

Ragas are basically found material. Indians might say there are eighty-three of them, or a thousand; I dont know. In the North Indian classical tradition, no more than 50 ragas are sung today. And maybe there are 30 that you hear over and over again, considering that we don’t hear the ragas in the morning and afternoon because there are concerts in the evenings.

This is because ragas have specific times and seasons. The Raga Shree is associated with twilight and evening.

And the Raga Basant, which has almost the same notes, is sung in the spring.

If architecture is a language with which one can understand space and time, so is raga. It’s like language too. For example, you don’t use the word evening to refer to the morning. Likewise, one does not sing the morning raga Bhairav ​​in the evening. However, with recordings, if you wish, you can listen to ragas at any time of the day. Until the recording studios hit, ragas only came to life for a short time.

So that was mainly the music that I was practicing. The singer-songwriter had finally retired. But by the late nineties the zeal of the convert who had obsessed me in my youth was gone, and I began to return to my record collection and listen to Jimi Hendrix. Curved notes, the blues, the Gujri Todi raga – it all came together as I listened. A moment of “misheard” occurred when I thought I heard the riff from “Layla” in that raga.

It happened again a week or two later. I was standing in a hotel lobby and someone was playing this Kashmiri instrument and suddenly it seemed to start in “Auld Lang Syne”. Of course it wasn’t. But then I thought: is it possible to create a musical vocabulary – not about consciously bringing things together, East and West, but about the kind of instability of who I am and the richness of what I had discovered in that moment? capture. And that’s why I call it “no fusion”.

“Summertime” happened around the time I was creating these pieces. In it I improvise on the Raga Malkauns, but in the form of “Summertime”, an early type of jazz composition based on the blues. I show that it is possible to improvise on Malkauns according to this form, as a jazz pianist does. But I’m bringing in a different tradition.

The same thing happens in “Norwegian Wood”. I take the raga bageshri and improvise in the space that each piece gives me. “I once had a girl, or should I say she once had me” – that gives me space to improvise on these notes. What I do is a characteristic of Khayal. So I would say again, it’s not a fusion, because fusion artists don’t. What they do is they sing their own stuff in a western setting.

Research into these ideas has been profoundly gratifying. Has my musical journey closed? I didn’t become a singer-songwriter again, but I put everything I know together. When you are a creative artist, the things you know come back to you in some way. I am very happy that this happened to me.

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Business

Indian airline IndiGo expects to achieve pre-Covid capability by end-2021

SINGAPORE – India’s low-cost airline IndiGo may struggle with its international operations, but the division could fully recover by the end of the year, the airline’s chief executive told CNBC this week.

Ronojoy Dutta of IndiGo, operated by InterGlobe Aviation, said the division between domestic and international segments for the airline was a “story of two cities”.

The domestic recovery has been strong, while the overseas recovery has brought “all the challenges of Covid and testing and quarantine,” he told CNBC’s Street Signs Asia on Monday.

The country last week extended a ban on international commercial passenger flights to the end of February. Local trips were allowed to resume in May.

IndiGo is a low cost airline that mainly operates domestic flights and is India’s largest passenger airline.

Aircraft operated by Go Airlines Ltd. and IndiGo, a unit operated by InterGlobe Aviation, will be on display at Terminal 3 of Indira Gandhi International Airport in New Delhi, India on Sunday, June 28, 2020.

T. Narayan | Bloomberg | Getty Images

“We’re only struggling with 28% of our capacity from Covid,” he said of international flights. However, domestic activities have reached 80% of the prepandemic level.

“I think we should reach 100% inland capacity by April at the latest,” Dutta predicted. “Internationally will open more slowly, but by the end of the calendar year 2021 we should also be at the level before Covid internationally.”

This forecast is more optimistic than other airline executives. AirAsia CEO Tony Fernandes told CNBC that passenger capacity is unlikely to hit pre-coronavirus levels by 2023.

Emirates President Tim Clark said in November the airline is aiming for a return to profitability in 2022.

“Growth opportunities”

IndiGos Dutta also sees the airline’s prospects as positive after the end of the coronavirus situation.

“Once the pandemic crisis is behind us, we see many growth opportunities,” he said.

He said India has very little air traffic penetration and there will be “a large amount of pent-up demand” when the economy recovers.

“Is international [an] even brighter picture, “he said, adding that profit margins are higher for international flights.

Dutta said he sees “plenty of room for growth” in traveling to and from countries within a six- to seven-hour flight from India such as Russia, Egypt, Malaysia and China.

“We are very excited about these growth prospects and, as you know, there is a major fleet expansion coming up,” he said. “I just itches to come and see until 2022 [to] continues to grow rapidly. “

– CNBC’s Saheli Roy Choudhury, Dan Murphy and Emma Graham contributed to this report.

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World News

The Indian authorities could ban cryptocurrencies like bitcoin

Narendra Modi, India’s Prime Minister, speaks during the United Nations Virtual General Assembly on Saturday, September 26, 2020.

Daniel Acker | Bloomberg | Getty Images

The Indian government plans to introduce a bill in the country’s lower house that bans private cryptocurrencies like Bitcoin and creates a national cryptocurrency.

The so-called “cryptocurrency and regulation of the official law on digital currencies” aims to “provide a framework for the creation of the official digital currency to be issued by the Reserve Bank of India”.

In addition, “the bill is also intended to ban all private cryptocurrencies in India, but provides certain exemptions to promote the underlying technology of the cryptocurrency and its uses.”

Bitcoin’s value rose more than 20% to $ 38,566 on Friday after Elon Musk changed his personal Twitter bio to #bitcoin.

This isn’t the first time Indian lawmakers have taken such a strong stance on cryptocurrencies. In 2018, an Indian government body recommended banning all private cryptocurrencies and proposed prison sentences of up to 10 years for offenders.

In the same year, then Indian Finance Minister Arun Jaitley said: “The government does not recognize cryptocurrency as legal tender or coin and will take all measures to prevent the use of these crypto-assets to fund illegitimate activities or as part of the payment system.” . “

Many countries – including the USA, China, Japan, Canada, Venezuela, Estonia, Sweden and Uruguay – have examined the development of their own digital currencies.

However, there are significant differences between national digital currencies and private cryptocurrencies such as Bitcoin. Cryptocurrencies like Bitcoin are decentralized, while national digital currencies are usually centralized.

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World News

Indian Farmers March Set for Republic Day

NEW DELHI – Thousands of protesting farmers flocked to the Indian capital of New Delhi on Tuesday as their tractors pulled barricades apart, caused police to fire tear gas and marked a chaotic start to an event that had already been classified as direct Challenge to the government.

The protest against India’s new farm laws was due to begin at 12:00 noon local time to avoid disruption to the celebrations commemorating the holiday of the Republic of India in central Delhi. But the peasants began dismantling barricades about two hours earlier, amid some apparent confusion among protesters.

The protest had already threatened to stage the 72nd annual celebration of the beginning of the Indian constitution. Prime Minister Narendra Modi oversaw a lavish armed forces parade, but news channels showed surreal scenes of Mr Modi saluting officers while chaos erupted in parts of the city just a few kilometers away.

On the city’s border with the village of Ghazipur, where farmers have been camping in protest for months, tractors removed a shipping container that was blocking their route when the police stood by helplessly. Elsewhere, thick clouds of tear gas rose over approved marching routes as farmers on tractors, horses, and on foot violently began their rally lessons prematurely.

The farmers waved flags and mocked police officers, as TV news showed. Many carried long swords, tridents, sharp daggers, and battle axes – working, if largely ceremonial, weapons.

Indian television news showed smaller groups breaking off the approved routes, tipping over buses and violently clashing with overwhelmed police officers armed with bamboo sticks as they marched towards central Delhi. In the early afternoon, the Delhi police commanders had deployed officers with assault rifles. They stood in the middle of key streets and stared at the demonstrators with rifles pointed at the crowd.

Even so, the majority of the demonstrators stuck to the approved routes and avoided the city center. At one of the capital’s largest intersections, near the Indian Supreme Court in the heart of Delhi, farmers withdrew with tractors after police fired several volleys of tear gas.

“Once we make it in Delhi, we won’t be going anywhere until Modi repeals the law,” said Happy Sharma, a farmer from the neighboring state of Uttar Pradesh, who was among 27 people riding a tractor truck.

The demonstration, after the central government failed in its desperate efforts to prevent the tractor march, dramatically showed how deeply the impasse with the farmers embarrassed Mr. Modi. Although he has emerged as India’s most dominant figure after his political opposition was crushed, the peasants have been tenaciously defiant.

In September, Mr Modi went through three parliamentary agriculture bills that he hopes will bring private investment into a sector that has been plagued by inefficiency and lack of money for decades. But farmers quickly stood up and said the government’s relaxation of regulations left them to the corporate giants who would take over their businesses.

As their protests grew in size and anger, and tens of thousands of farmers camped in the cold for two months and dozens of them died, the government has offered to amend some parts of the law to meet their demands. The country’s Supreme Court also stepped in and ordered the government to suspend the laws pending an agreement with farmers.

But the farmers say they will not stand in front of a lift, and they have started putting on the pressure. In addition to their tractor protest on Tuesday, they announced plans to march on foot to India’s parliament on February 1, when the country’s new budget is presented.

Tensions were high until Tuesday. Some officials claimed the protests had been infiltrated by insurgent elements who would resort to violence if the peasants could enter the city. Just days earlier, the peasant leaders brought before the media a young man whom they had allegedly arrested on suspicion of a conspiracy to shoot the leaders on Tuesday to disrupt the rally. None of the claims could be independently verified.

There was some confusion about the scope and size of the tractor march before it should begin. Reports in local media quoting Delhi police documents said the march would not begin until after the high-profile Republic Day parade in the heart of New Delhi culminated. The reports also say that the number of tractors and the length of their stay in the city were limited.

However, at a press conference on Monday, the farm managers said there are no time limits or restrictions on the number of tractors as long as they stick to the routes set by the Delhi police. Maps of the routes indicated a compromise between the farmers and the police, which could enable the demonstrators to enter the city but not to get near sensitive institutions of power.

The leaders said that about 150,000 tractors had been gathered at the borders of the capital for the march, that about 3,000 volunteers were trying to help the police keep order, and that 100 ambulances were on standby.

The farm leaders made statements to the demonstrators and repeatedly appealed for peace during the press conference.

“Remember, our aim is not to conquer Delhi, but to win the hearts of the people in this country,” read online instructions for protesters who were told not to carry weapons – “not even sticks “- and to avoid provocative slogans and banners.

“The hallmark of this agitation was that it was peaceful,” said Balbir Singh Rajewal, one of the movement’s main leaders. “My request to our peasant brothers and to our youth is that they keep this movement peaceful. The government is spreading rumors that the authorities have begun to mislead people. Be careful of that.

“If we stay peaceful, we have won. If we get violent, Modi will win. “

Jeffrey Gettleman and Hari Kumar contributed to the coverage.

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Entertainment

Sunil Kothari, Eminent Scholar of Indian Dance, Dies at 87

Few critics or historians have been as central to the performing arts as Sunil Kothari has been to the world of traditional Indian dance. As a critic, scholar and teacher of youthful energy, he explored India’s rich dance spectrum in at least a dozen books. Choreographers and dancers across the country met him both as an authority and as a friend.

He died on December 27 at the age of 87 at the Fortis Escorts Heart Institute in Delhi. Three weeks earlier He had announced on social media that he had Covid-19 but had recovered. Shortly after his release, he suffered cardiac arrest and was taken to the hospital.

Mr. Kothari, who lectured frequently in the United States, studied the traditions and techniques of dance forms from north India south and east to west and interviewed hundreds of gurus, many of whom in a country that remains largely ethnocentric, declined his efforts to because he didn’t speak their national language.

“He worked hard,” wrote Maya Kulkarni Chadda, his longtime friend and Indian scholar, in an email, “with no money, no real support and no encouragement.”

Even so, he made progress and lived in extreme simplicity while working as a dance critic for The Times of India for over three decades. As he told The Hindu newspaper in 2016, he discovered India through his research. He also helped India discover itself. In his books, each examining one Indian dance genre – Bharatanatyam, Chhau, Kathak, Kuchipudi, Odissi and Sattriya – he opened up a different facet of Indian society and history.

Studying the languages, rhythms, and traditions of each genre was no easy task. Bharatanatyam, for example, existed in the southeastern state of Tamil Nadu in two forms: the traditional one, passed down by the temple dancers and developed by the dancer Balasaraswati; and the relatively new academic system developed by dancer Rukmini Devi Arundale in Chennai.

Although the two styles were often at odds, Mr. Kothari admired and drew both in books and conversed with both Balasaraswati and Devi. He also followed developments that opened the older genre to new sociological and feminist thinking, as well as yoga.

Sunil Manilal Kothari was born on December 20, 1933 in the Kheda district of Gujarat on the west coast of India as the youngest of ten children of Dahiben and Manilal Kothari into a middle-class family.

In the 1940s the family moved to Mumbai, where Mr. Kothari began studying the Kathak at the age of 10, one of India’s eight classical dance genres that combines Muslim and Hindu elements, statuary poses, quick turns and sudden stops to create brilliant musical resonance .

As in most other classical Indian genres, the movements in Kathak are performed barefoot, with straps of tiny bells attached to the ankles and eloquent use of the face, eyes, hands and torso.

Sunil was 13 years old when India became an independent nation in August 1947. When the country rediscovered itself in a post-colonial era, Mr. Kothari observed its cultural developments in dance. A polymath full of literature, film, and other genres, he loved dance both for its own sake and because of its deep connections to the religion, philosophy, scripture, and music of India.

However, his professional training was initially in accounting. He taught at Sydenham College of Commerce and Economics in Mumbai for several years in order to make lasting friends while maintaining his fascination with the dance forms of India.

After Mr. Kothari’s death, the writer Salil Tripathi, a long-time friend from the period who later moved to New York, wrote in homage: “He taught bookkeeping because he knew how to do it; He celebrated dance because he wanted to. “

When Mr. Kothari gave up accounting for dance writing, the decision went against his father’s will. He graduated with a Masters degree in 1964 and began publishing serious dance research four years later.

His subsequent research led him not only to travel through India with a British Council Fellowship and other cities, but also to London to broaden his horizons. By 1970 he became a dance critic for the Times of India and held that position until the beginning of the 21st century.

In 1977, Mr. Kothari obtained his doctorate. at the Maharaja Sayajirao University of Baroda, with a focus on the dance drama traditions of South India and the ancient dance manual Natyashastra. He was awarded a Doctor of Letters by Rabindra Bharti University for his research on dance sculpture in the medieval temples of North Gujarat.

His scholarship was rewarded with a number of academic offices and a 2005 Fulbright scholarship. He was a member of UNESCO’s International Dance Council.

In the West, Mr. Kothari had encounters with dance figures such as Rudolf Nureyev, the choreographers Pina Bausch and Maurice Béjart, and the British theater director Peter Brook. As a frequent lecturer in the United States, he made his last trip to New York City in May 2019 when he spoke at the New York Public Library about mid-20th century dance greats Ram Gopal and Mrinalini Sarabhai. He carried his expertise easily and often spoke with an innocent-sounding delight.

Information about his survivors was not immediately available.

By the time of his death, Mr. Kothari had completed an autobiography that has yet to be published.

Categories
Politics

Group’s Lack of Hospital Stirs Contemporary Debate Over Indian Well being Service

The hospital is operated nationwide by the Indian Health Service based in Rockville, Md. The agency was formed to meet the government’s contractual obligations to provide health services to eligible Alaskan Indians and natives.

Updated

Jan. 3, 2021, 1:42 AM ET

The Acoma Cañoncito Laguna service unit, 60 km west of Albuquerque, treats around 126,000 patients annually. Before the reduction in services, the company had 25 inpatient beds and looked after around 9,100 tribal citizens of the surrounding tribes. The hospital has been in operation since the mid-1970s and provides inpatient and outpatient care, as well as dental, optometric, pharmaceutical and medical emergency services.

Coronavirus cases for Acoma Pueblo, which has a population of around 3,000, have increased recently, including 100 in early November after no cases were reported in September.

The Albuquerque office is one of IHS ’12 service regions and serves 20 pueblos, two Apache bands, three Navajo chapters, and two Ute tribes in four southwestern states. There are five hospitals, 11 health centers and 12 field clinics serving the area’s residents.

Wendy Sarracino, 57, an Acoma community health worker, said when her son broke his leg, she had to stop at two hospitals before he could get the care he needed. At the time of his injury, the hospital of the Acoma Cañoncito Laguna service unit was already closed for that day, so Ms. Sarracino drove her son to Grants for 45 minutes.

After the hospital failed to diagnose the multiple fractures in her son’s legs, Ms. Sarracino drove him to Albuquerque for another hour. Grants Hospital found only a single fracture in her son’s leg, but an X-ray at Albuquerque Hospital found multiple fractures in both legs.

“That was kind of a lifeline,” Ms. Sarracino said of the hospital. “We didn’t have to go very far for health care. Awareness needs to be raised that the people of rural New Mexico live and that we need health care. “