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VW, Ford, Daimler concern chip scarcity may persist for a while

Technicians work in the assembly line of the ID electric car. 3 car in Dresden, Germany, 8 June 2021.

Matthias Rietschel | Reuters

Automakers like Ford, Volkswagen, and Daimler are still grappling with the impact of global chip scarcity, with executives warning each of the companies that a silicon shortage is likely to remain a problem.

Volkswagen CEO Herbert Diess, Daimler CEO Ola Kallenius and Ford Europe CEO Gunnar Herrmann told CNBC’s Annette Weisbach on Monday at the Munich Motor Show that it is difficult to say when the complex problem will be solved.

Germany’s Volkswagen, Europe’s largest car manufacturer, has lost market share in China due to the chip shortage, said Diess.

“We are relatively weak because of semiconductor shortages,” he said. “In China we are more affected than the rest of the world. That is why we are losing market share.”

Diess said his colleagues in China had pushed for more semiconductors and called the shortage of chips a “really big concern”.

The Wolfsburg-based company expected an improvement in the semiconductor situation after the summer vacation, but that was not the case. Malaysia, where many of Volkswagen’s suppliers are based, has been hit hard by the coronavirus in recent weeks, which has led to several plant closings.

Diess said he believes chip scarcity issues will gradually resolve as countries reduce Covid-19 transmission, but he anticipates there will be a generalized semiconductor shortage for some time. “We will face a general shortage of semiconductors because the Internet of Things is growing so fast that there will be constraints that we are trying to address,” he said.

Commodity crisis

Ford Europe’s Herrmann, meanwhile, estimates the chip shortage could last until 2024, adding that it’s difficult to say exactly when it will end.

The shortage is said to have been exacerbated by the switch to electric vehicles. For example, a Ford Focus typically uses around 300 chips, while one of Ford’s new electric vehicles can have up to 3,000 chips.

Aside from chips, there are now other bottlenecks to contend with. Ford is facing a “new raw material crisis,” said Herrmann.

“It’s not just semiconductors,” he said, adding that lithium, plastics, and steel are relatively scarce. “You find bottlenecks or restrictions everywhere.”

Car prices will rise with rising raw material prices, said Herrmann.

Despite the imbalances, Herrmann said the order intake from Ford Europe was “fantastic” and “the demand is indeed extremely strong”.

No longer functional

Kallenius from Daimler hopes that the third quarter will be the “low point” of the disruptions. “That seems to be the quarter that will be hardest hit,” he said.

“We hope to get promoted again in the fourth quarter,” said Kallenius. “But there is a certain uncertainty that we have to deal with in our production system. It has to remain flexible.”

The chip shortage has affected the automotive industry like no other. Assembly lines have been shut down and some cars are now shipped without functions based on semiconductors.

In the UK, auto production hit a new low in July, marking the worst July performance for the industry since 1956.

The German technology and mechanical engineering group Bosch, the world’s largest automotive supplier, considers semiconductor supply chains in the automotive industry to be out of date.

Harald Kroeger, member of the Bosch board of directors, told CNBC last month that supply chains collapsed last year as the demand for chips in cars, PlayStation 5s and electric toothbrushes increased worldwide.

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World News

Threats and Worry Trigger Afghan Girls’s Protections to Vanish In a single day

It took Women for Afghan Women to build Afghanistan’s largest network of women protection services – 32 safe houses, family counseling centers and children’s homes in 14 provinces, which have been grown by word of mouth and driven by the high demand for their services.

They began closing their doors within a few days when the Taliban began their lightning advance through Afghan cities on August 6. Most of the shelter’s managers were packing or burning files, packing up a few belongings, and fling with their customers when news arrived that the Taliban were arriving.

A few directors of Safe Houses – not just those affiliated with Women for Afghan Women, but also a handful of other long-established shelters – chose to stay where they were, but remained silent for fear that everything what they said could cause harm to the women in their care. Nobody takes new cases.

“Our accommodations, our women’s protection centers, are gone. It is very unlikely that we can do most of the work we do for women as we did, ”said Sunita Viswanath, co-founder of Women for Afghan Women.

Even before the Taliban came to power, Afghanistan was at the bottom of every list when it comes to protecting women and at the top of the need for safe shelter, counseling and justice that could help keep women safe.

More than half of all Afghan women reported physical abuse and 17 percent reported sexual violence, while nearly 60 percent had forced marriages instead of arranged marriages, according to studies cited by the Afghan Ministry of Women.

Honor killings, child marriages, the payment of a bride price for a woman, and the practice of baad – trafficking young girls to pay the elders’ debts, which is equivalent to selling a child into slavery – still exist in rural areas . Everywhere, harassment of women in the workplace and in public is a constant, as is psychological abuse, according to recent studies.

As the uprising progressed, the first concern of staff at Women for Afghan Women and others who operate similar shelters was what the Taliban might do to punish them. As the country’s ruler in the 1990s, the Taliban fought vehemently against women traveling alone or gathering.

Relatively new examples of Taliban’s behavior are worrying. When the Taliban briefly took over the city of Kunduz in 2015, the operators and customers of the women’s refuge for Afghan women fled when threatening phone calls came in from the insurgents. The shelter manager described being actively hunted and said she got calls from the Taliban saying they would catch her as an example and hang her in the village square.

But it is not just the fear of the Taliban that is terrifying the shelter operators and their customers this time around. Taliban fighters have come to some of the shelters in the past few weeks. Sometimes they destroyed the site and took over the buildings, but there are still no reports of them causing harm to anyone, said Ms. Viswanath, the group’s co-founder.

“As far as I know, none of our employees have been beaten, attacked or killed,” she said.

Much of the concern stems from the waves of prisoners released during the Taliban’s advance. Among them were men detained under the women’s protection laws that have been enacted with Western support over the past 20 years. The former prisoners hold a grudge not only against the female relative who spoke out against them and publicly humiliated her, but also against all who supported these efforts – the directors of the safe house, advisors and lawyers.

A woman from rural Baghlan Province, who spoke on condition of anonymity for receiving death threats, described how she now changes her place to sleep every few nights. She had previously worked with prosecutors to gather evidence of abuse in cases involving women

Updated

9/2/2021, 5:49 p.m. ET

“After conquering the cities, the Taliban released all prisoners. Among those prisoners were some who were sentenced for my work, ”she said. “Now they are threatening me and there is no government or system to go to and take shelter. I only hide in one place or another. “

The shelters have long been targets. For many in Afghanistan’s strictly patriarchal society – not just the Taliban – a woman who is on her own or abandons her family is often viewed as a prostitute. Some see shelters for abused women as a thin panel for brothels.

In the last 15 years, however, despite the societal antagonism towards the protection of women, more and more people have started looking for shelters. Women, often with terrible injuries – broken bones or internal injuries from severe blows – kept knocking on the unmarked gates or ordinary houses where Relief Society groups took in people.

Whether or not these operations continue is firmly in the hands of the Taliban, who are expected to enact their own laws governing the behavior of women. That will leave the former Afghan government’s law on the elimination of violence against women and other protective measures on an uncertain basis.

For the time being, Taliban officials have given assurances that women are allowed to work and, in some cases, travel without the company of a male relative – “as permitted by Sharia law” or Islamic law. Taliban spokesman Zabihullah Mujahid surprised some when, after other Taliban officials urged Afghan women to stay home temporarily for their own safety, he admitted that many in the ranks of the Taliban could not be trusted to be polite and that they should be educated.

Understanding the Taliban takeover in Afghanistan

Map 1 of 6

Who are the Taliban? The Taliban emerged in 1994 amid the unrest following the withdrawal of Soviet forces from Afghanistan in 1989. They used brutal public punishments, including flogging, amputation and mass executions, to enforce their rules. Here is more about their genesis and track record as rulers.

Who are the Taliban leaders? These are the top leaders of the Taliban, men who for years have been on the run, in hiding, in prison and dodging American drones. Little is known about them or how they plan to rule, including whether they will be as tolerant as they say they are. A spokesman told the Times that the group wanted to forget their past but had some restrictions.

But the Taliban made similar statements after taking control of the capital and most of the country in 1996.

“The explanation was that security wasn’t good and they were waiting for security to get better and then women to have more freedom,” said Heather Barr, assistant director of women’s rights at Human Rights Watch. “But in the years they were in power, of course, that moment never came – and I can promise you that the Afghan women who hear this today think that it will never happen this time either.”

For Mahbouba, a longtime activist who has spent much of her life fighting to protect Afghan women, the picture is not yet clear. But she says she gives the Taliban the benefit of the doubt for now. With her claim that everything must be done according to Sharia law because that is the religion of Afghanistan, she has nothing against it.

But the Taliban’s interpretation of Sharia law will also be important, she said.

“We just have to wait and see what happens. The Taliban haven’t really started anything yet – check in in a month, in two months, in six months, ”she said.

Mahbouba, whom the Times identifies by name only to protect her and her organization, oversees a long-standing safe house for women. She hasn’t escaped or closed her doors, but she’s holding back and calibrating what she tells the news media, she said.

When some Taliban recently came into her office and said the women were being held against their will, Mahbouba said she did not let them in but went outside to speak to them.

They told her they heard that “some women are being held here.” She rejected that and instead said she was defending the honor of Afghan women.

“I don’t let them take to the streets to be used and abused by other people; they are the victims of domestic violence, ”she recalls. “So instead of running away and letting you go into prostitution, I have kept your honor and protect you.”

The Taliban appeared to accept this statement, and Mahbouba said she was determined to have a dialogue with them.

But she also made a request: please, she said, “keep watching, and if our world goes crazy and it gets really terrible, we can let people know.”

A New York Times employee contributed to the coverage.

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Entertainment

The Ending of Worry Avenue Half 2: 1978, Defined

Fear Street Part 2: 1978 officially picks up where Fear Road Part 1: 1994 ends – or rather, it brings us back 16 years. The second installation of the Scared street The trilogy begins with Deena and Josh dragging a possessed Sam to C. Berman’s house to demand answers to the 300-year-old curse that is ravaging the town of Shadyside. Although C. Berman did not want to help the children at first, she finally tells the story of how she survived the bloody massacre at Camp Nightwing in 1978 Fear Street Part 2: 1978 end and pave the way for Fear Street Part 3: 1666? Let’s break down the main events in the second movie.

What happened at Camp Nightwing?

Most of the film takes place in 1978, when Ziggy Berman and her sister Cindy visit Camp Nightwing. (At first it might seem safe that the “C” in C. Berman stands for Cindy, but we’ll talk more about that later.) We find out early on who the camp killer is – it’s Tommy Slater, Cindy’s friend. While Cindy, Tommy, Alice and Alice’s friend Arnie sneak around the campsite at night, they end up in the house of Sarah Fier, the witch at the center of the Shadyside curse. Obsessed by Sarah, Tommy embarks on a series of murders with an ax and claims Arnie as his first victim. Then he goes to the main camp where Ziggy and the other campers are.

Cindy eventually escapes the witch’s house through the Mess Hall, where she finds Ziggy hiding from Tommy. Cindy kills Tommy just in time – at least she thinks. Soon after, Alice also makes her way back to camp with the hand of the witch who, if she is reunited with her body, is supposed to end the Shadyside curse. However, Ziggy accidentally bleeds his hand. This effectively causes Tommy and the other witch-possessed Shadyside killers to come back to life and hunt them down.

Does Ziggy die at Camp Nightwig?

Tommy kills Alice before she can take revenge on Arnie. After her death, the Bermans try to dig up Sarah Fier’s body from the Hanging Tree, but instead find a rock that says “The Witch Lives Forever”. Not long after, the resurrected Shadyside Killers seemingly murder the sisters. However, Ziggy miraculously makes it out alive after a young Nick Goode – who is the 1994 Sheriff of Shadyside – performs CPR on her.

At this point we learn that Cindy is not the only survivor of the massacre. Nick tells a paramedic that Ziggy’s real name is Christine or C. Berman. (I told you we would come back to this.) After the events of that night, Ziggy holds back, living in constant fear of the witch.

How does Fear Street: 1978 connect with Fear Street: 1666?

After hearing Ziggy’s story, Deena realizes that she and her friends found the witch’s body in the woods between Sunnyvale and Shadyside. Deena and Josh go to the mall (formerly warehouse) to dig up the hand under the hanging tree. Deena’s nose begins to bleed as she puts her hand next to the bones in the forest. In 1666 she immediately experienced a vision in which she was in Sarah Fier’s body. It seems like the curse hasn’t broken yet, so we need to adjust to it Fear Street Part 3: 1666 to see how everything plays out in this slasher trilogy!

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Entertainment

10 Influences That Clarify Why ‘Concern Road’ Appears Acquainted

In the film trilogy “Fear Street”, a killer is on the loose. But this Netflix horror extravaganza not only leaves a sizable amount of blood, it also sprays the screen with a torrent of pop culture references.

The trilogy mainly takes place in the fictional town of Shadyside and is based on the books by RL Stine when the town was a village. (The episodes premier on three consecutive Fridays starting July 2.) The trilogy speeds through characters, moods, and genres, including teen romance and full-on slasher. The movies are in a way like a Netflix algorithm of styles all wrapped up in a bingeable package.

Amid the many twists and turns, the films follow the city and the oversized murder problem that it has had for generations. Is witchcraft involved? Could it be satan? Or are the people just mean? The director Leigh Janiak wants to keep the audience on their toes, at the same time hum catchy tunes and think of both Halloween and “Halloween”.

Below is a look at 10 influences horror and comedy fans alike can spot.

In the first film, set in 1994, mall culture (including B. Dalton) is alive and well. So it is almost every song a teenager or college student might have heard at the time. The needle drops bounce from Nine Inch Nails to Bush to, damn it, Sophie B. Hawkins. The songs are used a little the way Quentin Tarantino could do: to project the thoughts of characters, including lead actress Deena (Kiana Madeira), who in a moment of dissatisfaction with Garbag’s “I’m Only Happy When It Rains” is presented.

While there is no DeLorean here, the spirit of adventure and decades of understanding of revelation are reminiscent of Robert Zemeckis’ “Back to the Future” films. The third part of both trilogies takes us a long way back – to the Wild West in “Back to the Future” and to the season of the witch from the 17th century in “Fear Street”.

While the “Fear Street” films delve into all sorts of supernatural lore, knives and axes are the deepest elements of the threat. The 1978 summer camp backdrop can’t help but remind us of some good old-fashioned “Friday the 13th” Crystal Lake mayhem. The Netflix entry ticks off some creative kills that would make both Jason from those films and Michael Myers from “Halloween” proud.

“Fear Street” has a certain “meddling child” aspect to it, where a group of outsiders come together to solve age-old secrets. As the characters explore the city’s history and its often unsolved murders, you can feel Daphne and Fred from Scooby-Doo just outside the frame. Deena exudes Velma vibes and the film has its own shaggy in the character of Simon (Fred Hechinger), a slacker and trickster who finds himself in a few zoinks! Moments.

In recent years, a handful of celebratory romances with women have taken center stage, such as “Portrait of a Lady on Fire” and “Ammonite”. The trend was remarkable enough to be parodied on “Saturday Night Live”. Add Fear Street to the list of the emerging relationship between Sarah Fier (also played by Madeira) and Hannah Miller (Olivia Scott Welch) in 1666. The two keep their passions a secret, but their chemistry is as strong as the accents of time.

While there isn’t an ’80s entry on the series, John Hughes’ influence here is hard to shake, as Fear Street highlights and puts the underdogs at the fore. With her disaffected one-handed attitude, Deena is reminiscent of Allison Reynolds, Ally Sheedy’s dejected character from “The Breakfast Club”. And literal gamer Josh (Benjamin Flores Jr.) on Fear Street has a lot in common with Hughes creation Brian Johnson, played with classic geekiness from Anthony Michael Hall.

A horror staple, obsession – by ghosts, witches, or something worse – can add an interesting crease to a narrative. How can you argue with a murderer when he’s obsessed? (Answer: You can’t.) “Fear Street” has fun with this premise by turning some characters harmlessly into bloodthirsty ones from a moment on.

In the 1978 episode, the bloody prom prank from Stephen King’s novel (and the subsequent Brian De Palma film) stars in the mocked but resilient Ziggy Berman (Sadie Sink) who seeks revenge on those who wronged her the act one. But in “Fear Street” pig blood is replaced by a much stronger alternative. Nonetheless, Ziggy Carrie has qualities as an outsider who is often subjected to ridicule by other campers and who develops ways to defend himself. She doesn’t have to turn up the vengeance all the way to Carrie levels, however. The killer on the rampage can do that.

While the 1978 episode has its share of revenge and editing, there are plenty of exhilarating moments too. With its short shorts, rowdy advisors and crazy gimmicks, the film owes a lot of comedies such as Ivan Reitman’s “Meatballs”, David Wain’s “Wet Hot American Summer” and Ron Maxwell’s “Little Darlings”.

Janiak, the director, has said that her shooting style for the 1666 episode was inspired by Terrence Malick’s The New World. In fact, some of the open air ensemble scenes are reminiscent of the 2005 drama about the founding of Jamestown. But the rural setting, early English accents, and looming witchcraft are more reminiscent of “The Witch,” Robert Eggers’ meticulous and sober horror mystery from 2016. With dingy, candle-lit interiors and a dark but terrifying relationship with animals ( this time an uncomfortable handling of a pig instead of Eggers’ use of a creepy goat) this entry in “Fear Street” makes life in the 17th century look tedious and desolate.

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Entertainment

Worry Avenue: Kiana Madeira Shares BTS Horror Sequence Particulars

Image source: Netflix

“Hello is someone there?” Usually the last lines are the characters brave enough to go looking for a masked serial killer. In honor of the publication of Angststrasse: 1984, the first film on Netflix Scared street Trilogy, inspired by the book series RL Stine, Kiana Madeira sat down with POPSUGAR to explain how her character Deena overcomes typical horror film stereotypes in the best way.

“She’s a true heroine … There’s something so empowering about playing characters like her, especially when she’s not just a young woman, but a young colored woman and a queer young woman.”

“I was drawn to Deena because she is so passionate,” said Madeira. “She is extremely loyal, she is ready to go through such extremes to protect the people she loves. And that’s something I’ve really connected with. She is fearless. She is a true heroine … not just being a young woman, but a young colored woman and a queer young woman. “

Filmed entirely in the summer of 2019, the trilogy follows Deena and her friends as they set out to put an end to a 300-year-old curse that has supernaturally ravaged their small town. As Deena, Madeira leads the way, staying strong and resilient as she helps her friends escape bloody horror scenes while also coping with her own relationship with her friend Samantha, played by Olivia Scott Welch. Off-screen, the co-stars would often hear Tracy Chapman’s “Fast Car,” a song that captured their on-screen relationship perfectly. “That was a song we used a lot to delve into our circumstances,” she said. “And even now, when I hear this song, I think about the characters we’re playing in Scared street and it is very important to me. “

FEAR STREET PART 1: 1994 - (LR) KIANA MADEIRA as DEENA, FRED HECHINGER as SIMON, BENJAMIN FLORES JR.  as JOSH, JULIA REHWALD as KATE and OLIVIA WELCH as SAM.  Cr: Netflix © 2021Image source: Netflix

Although filming is complete, Madiera says that in her group chat she still stays in touch with her co-stars, including Benji Flores Jr. “Benji, who plays my younger brother in the film, feels like he’s in real life actually my little brother is. I love him so much, “she said, adding that alongside Ashley Zukerman, aka Sheriff Nick, he was also one of the biggest jokes on the set that led the cast to believe he was the only actor in a Set was supposed to pose by action hero dolls. “He was so serious about his delivery that we really didn’t know whether he was telling the truth or not,” she recalled.

The trilogy is a mish-mash of all of our favorite slasher films and is inspired by dynamic’s friendship dynamics The goonieswho have favourited The Terrible Events of M. Night Shyamalan The village, and the nostalgic 90s horror of movies like movies Scream and Nightmare on Elm Street. “You will find little Easter eggs that will definitely call you back to the classic horror scenarios,” Madeira said, adding that the creepy movie elements are no joke, especially when it comes to running away from the supernatural villains. “It’s not just like we’re doing three casual films; it’s three horror films and there are some crazy things going on in them. So it was pretty physically demanding, which I enjoyed.”

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=clZK2PqLWpI

Madeira who is a big fan of the goose bumps Growing Up Books also mentioned that RL Stine stopped by one day during filming to share his praise and give everyone a dose of nostalgia. “He’s so amazing and supportive,” she said. “He told me he couldn’t imagine a better person playing Deena. And I thought, ‘Oh my god, this means so much to me.’ He was really encouraging to all of us, and he had such a calm demeanor too, which made it a lot less intimidating because he’s like a childhood hero to so many of us. Meeting him was a great experience. “

“I think something unexpected is that there really is a love story at the core of all three films.”

While Fear Street: 1994 is an adventure 1978 is full of heartache, and 1666 is “extremely dark”, the trilogy itself fits together wonderfully. At its core, Madeira reveals Scared street is a love story that for once focuses on LGBTQ + characters as heroes and brings an unexpected love and hope to an otherwise chilling series. “I think something unexpected is that there really is a love story at the core of all three films. I haven’t seen that too often in horror, and that love story is strong enough to last through all three films… It’s strong “It’s powerful, it’s authentic, and it’s unconventional compared to what we often see on screen.”

On a scale from 1-10, Madeira is considered a trilogy Scared street 10/10 in terms of scary, indicating that the third film is their favorite because of the dark, twisted plot and the imagination it takes to mentally go back to 1666.[Director Leigh Janiak] Doesn’t shy away from showing the horror, which in my opinion definitely pushes [the movies] “Plus, the things these kids go through are really scary, and I think it’s great that the pictures go hand in hand with that … I think real horror fans will be very happy.”

Image source: Brendan Wixted

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Health

‘On That Fringe of Concern’: One Lady’s Battle With Sickle Cell Ache

NASHVILLE — She struggled through the night as she had so many times before, restless from sickle cell pain that felt like knives stabbing her bones. When morning broke, she wept at the edge of her hotel-room bed, her stomach wrenched in a complicated knot of anger, trepidation and hope.

It was a gray January morning, and Lisa Craig was in Nashville, three hours from her home in Knoxville, Tenn., preparing to see a sickle cell specialist she hoped could do something so many physicians had been unable to do: bring her painful disease under control.

Ms. Craig, 48, had clashed with doctors over her treatment for years. Those tensions had only increased as the medical consensus around pain treatment shifted and regulations for opioid use became more stringent. Her anguish had grown so persistent and draining that she sometimes thought she’d be better off dead.

She was willing to try just about anything to stop the deterioration of her body and mind — and her hope on this day in January 2019 rested in a Nigerian-born physician at Vanderbilt University Medical Center who had long treated the disease, which mostly afflicts people of African descent.

That morning, she slipped on a cream-colored cardigan and a necklace with a heart-shaped pendant. She played some Whitney Houston before sliding behind the wheel of her black S.U.V. Her husband, in the passenger’s seat, punched their destination into his phone’s navigation system.

“Live as if everything is a miracle,” reads a framed quote on Ms. Craig’s beige living room wall, and that’s exactly what she was hoping for.

People with sickle cell, a rare, inherited blood disorder caused by a mutation in a single gene, typically endure episodes of debilitating pain as well as chronic pain. Roughly 100,000 Americans and millions of people globally, mostly in Africa, have the disease. Red blood cells that carry oxygen become stiff and curved like crescent moons, clogging blood vessels and starving the body of oxygen.

Promising developments in gene therapy have given people with the disease hope that a cure is on the way for an illness that often causes organ failure and premature death. But the first such therapy is more than a year from regulatory approval. It will almost certainly be extremely expensive, cannot reverse the disease’s damage to tissues and organs, and may come too late for people whose bodies are so battered by the disease that they might not survive the grueling treatment.

Most people with sickle cell are searching for something far more basic: a way to prevent or manage the disease’s devastating complications — strokes, depression and, above all, pain.

That search can be rocky, as I learned following Ms. Craig over two and a half years of struggle and heartache. I joined her on doctor’s visits, shared meals with her family, parsed her medical records, sat in on a therapy session and tagged along as she ran errands around Knoxville and relaxed at home. I saw moments of anger, sadness and agony, but also determination, joy and love.

Her efforts to find relief were complicated by a national opioid epidemic and the coronavirus pandemic, as well as the challenges of navigating a medical system that often mistreats Black people like her. At the same time, doctors were changing how they treated sickle cell as emerging research suggested that narcotics could actually worsen pain.

Ms. Craig felt doctors were prone to stereotyping her as an addict cadging narcotics and didn’t believe in the extremity of her suffering.

Racist myths persist in medical care, like the idea that Black people tolerate more pain than white people. Such stereotypes have led Black patients to receive poor care, extensive research suggests. That can be especially problematic for sickle cell patients like Ms. Craig, who describe rushing to the emergency room in agony and waiting hours to be seen, only to be sent home still in pain after doctors tell them that their lab results are fine and they should not be suffering.

Biopsies can detect cancer, X-rays a broken bone. But there is no definitive clinical test to determine when a sickle cell patient is suffering a pain crisis.

“This is the essence of the problem,” said Dr. Sophie Lanzkron, the director of the Sickle Cell Center for Adults at the Johns Hopkins Hospital. “There is no objective measure of crisis. The gold standard is the patient tells you, ‘I am having a crisis.’”

The intensity of the disease as well as the subjectivity of treatment mean that a visit to a new doctor can feel like the cruelest game of roulette. And the weight of that pressure bore down on Ms. Craig as she parked at Vanderbilt and hobbled into the elevator. Would the doctor help her?

“Chest hurts,” she told her husband.

“You’ll be all right,” he assured her.

The throbbing pounded the little girl’s body. It was in her arms and legs, and it often made her sob.

Lisa’s parents were baffled. Her mother gave her warm baths and body rubs, and took her to the doctor frequently. But the pain persisted.

Then one day in the late 1970s, when Lisa was about 5, her parents drove her from their home in Knoxville to the Mayo Clinic in Rochester, Minn. Doctors ran tests and discovered the cause: sickle cell disease.

At the time, widespread screening for the illness in newborns was still about a decade away. Lisa was the only person in her extended family ever to have it diagnosed.

“That was something that was unheard-of,” she said.

Her mother was often her protector, coddling her when the pain set in, while her father urged her to carry on.

Flare-ups of pain made her miss out on slumber parties, ice skating and plenty of school. But for all the restrictions, no one ever questioned whether her pain was real.

At the East Tennessee Children’s Hospital where she was treated, the rooms were decorated with ocean- or circus-themed wallpaper. Nurses gave her games and puppets and tried to make her smile.

“Pain medication was given because people believed I was in pain,” she wrote in her journal decades later.

The medicines gave her relief, but also set her body on a path complicating her treatment decades later: She needed opioid painkillers to live comfortably.

A crisis was brewing in society that complicated efforts to treat pain caused by sickle cell: the spread of addiction to opioids fueled in large part by reckless, even criminal marketing of the drugs by major pharmaceutical companies.

Research showed that people with sickle cell were no more likely to become addicted to opioids than other chronic pain sufferers, and that their use of narcotics had not skyrocketed as it had in the general population.

In March 2016, the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention released stringent guidelines on prescribing narcotic painkillers, though it carved out exceptions for sickle cell.

A few months later, Ms. Craig’s doctors began cutting back on the amount of intravenous narcotics she was given for pain crises. She argued that the reduced doses were not working. Her hematologist, Dr. Jashmin K. Patel, urged her to take hydroxyurea, a chemotherapy drug that is a standard treatment for the disease, saying it would reduce her pain, according to medical records. Ms. Craig had tried it, but had an unusually severe reaction, with mouth sores, hair loss and vomiting, so she stopped. She said she felt that the doctor wasn’t taking her complaints about the side effects seriously. (Most patients can take the drug successfully.)

“Why do you dear doctor still bully me to take it,” Ms. Craig wrote in her journal on Sept. 17, 2017.

She didn’t want a doctor who preached to her, she wrote, but one who listened, because as someone “who deals with how MY body works with this disease don’t you think my expertise outweighs yours.”

Over the past decade, even some of the best-informed sickle cell specialists have begun reconsidering their reliance on long-term opioid therapy. They have found little evidence to suggest that sickle cell patients who regularly take opioids see their quality of life improve. And their concern about long-term reliance on narcotics is especially high in patients like Ms. Craig, who are living well into middle age with a disease that used to kill its sufferers in childhood or early adulthood.

Dr. Lanzkron at Johns Hopkins said her patients would “end up on these ridiculous doses” and “still have the same level of pain.”

“It’s a terrible treatment,” she said.

So the specialists started trying to teach people with sickle cell how to lessen and tolerate pain with techniques including therapy, meditation and hypnosis.

Ms. Craig had tried everything — warm baths, elevating her feet, steady breathing. She hated feeling dependent on pills. Yet she dreaded the way a simple ache crescendoed to feel like a thousand bee stings or a hand smashed in a door.

In July 2018, her need for relief led to conflict during a visit with Dr. Patel. Alarm bells began ringing in Ms. Craig’s head when the doctor stepped into the room accompanied by a stenographer.

Dr. Patel said she was concerned that Ms. Craig was not taking hydroxyurea as she was supposed to, according to medical records reviewed by The New York Times. She told Ms. Craig that she was not going to increase her pain medication, noting in the file that Ms. Craig had called two weeks earlier for a refill.

Ms. Craig said in an interview that she had never asked for an increase in medication and that Dr. Patel was twisting her words and ignoring her concerns. Neither Dr. Patel nor the practice where she worked responded to requests for comment.

Voices were raised, feelings hurt. Eight days later — on July 18, 2018 — Ms. Craig got a letter from Dr. Patel saying she was no longer welcome at the practice, “because of your lack of cooperation in your medical treatment, non-compliance with treatment recommendations and frequent narcotic requests before agreed time-frame.”

After she was kicked out of Dr. Patel’s practice, Ms. Craig went to Dr. Wahid T. Hanna, a veteran oncologist at the University of Tennessee Medical Center, who had treated dozens of sickle cell patients.

By December 2018, familiar tensions arose. Dr. Hanna grew suspicious of her request for narcotics. She had gone through the 120 Oxycodone pills that he had prescribed a month earlier and wanted a refill.

On several visits, Dr. Hanna repeated a refrain as if he were saying it for the first time: He was puzzled that she had pain because she had a generally less severe version of sickle cell.

“So really, I don’t have any justification why should you have pain,” he told her on one of those visits.

“I’ve always had pain,” she replied, according to a recording Ms. Craig’s husband took of the meeting.

Months earlier, Tennessee had enacted some of the nation’s most stringent restrictions on doctors prescribing opioids during a deadly epidemic, though there were exceptions for sickle cell patients.

“My question is, with the way the state is regulating the narcotics and all that, we could be questioned,” Dr. Hanna said. “We could be red-flagged.”

If Ms. Craig had pain, Dr. Hanna said it might have been from arthritis or the heavy periods she complained of. Those could be managed without opioids, he said.

“We do this every time I come, and I’m not understanding,” Ms. Craig said.

“I’m saying this because we can be questioned,” Dr. Hanna said, and if the authorities asked him whether he saw a lot of pain in someone with her kind of sickle cell, “I’d say usually I don’t.”

“You can’t say 100 percent that it’s not possible,” Ms. Craig said.

“I want to take care of you, but I want to do it right,” he said.

In that moment, Dr. Hanna said in a later interview, “I did not know whether her pain requirements were genuine or not.”

Her red blood cell count was stable and her iron was low — metrics that, Dr. Hanna said, suggested that her sickle cell was not that severe. But experts who treat sickle cell say that iron and hemoglobin levels do not indicate how severe the disease is.

Still, Dr. Hanna reduced her narcotic dosage, encouraged her to use over-the-counter pain medicines and scheduled her for an iron infusion, which he told her would make her “feel like a different person.”

Days after another disappointing visit to Dr. Hanna in December 2018, Ms. Craig sat on a light green leather couch beneath a painting of an ocean in her therapist’s office, choking back tears.

“Putting up with somebody belittling me and making me feel less than is not worth it,” she told her therapist.

It was difficult enough to control her physical pain, but reining in the mental anguish proved equally troublesome.

A former preschool teacher who speaks with wide-eyed animation, Ms. Craig has not been able to work full time since 2005 because of her unpredictable pain. She finds purpose where she can, taking care of her family, picking up the occasional odd job, babysitting for relatives and friends.

She exercised as her doctors advised, took 15 minutes a day to “be selfish” as a friend suggested and wrote prayers on brown slips of paper that she sealed in a jar. She listened as her therapist explained that there was no shame in trying to get prescriptions to relieve pain.

But all around, the signals told Ms. Craig otherwise: the constant stream of news about the opioid crisis and, one evening shortly before her Vanderbilt visit, a heated discussion with an aunt at the family dining room table.

“You can’t just come on in there and just say: ‘Look, this is the drug I take. And I know this’ll work,’” said her aunt, Nanette Henry Scruggs, who used to work at a hospital.

“The hospitals tell people all the time to be your own advocate,” Ms. Craig said.

Times were changing, her aunt explained, because doctors had overmedicated pain patients and now risked losing their licenses.

“You don’t understand it because you have the disease,” Ms. Scruggs said.

“And you don’t understand it because you don’t,” Ms. Craig fired back, her voice straining with emotion. “And you’re not the one that they look at and go, ‘Oh, she’s just exaggerating her pain.’ When I want to saw my own freaking legs off, that’s a problem!”

Many sickle cell patients feel frustrated that doctors don’t believe patients know what works. Often, that’s narcotic doses much higher than the average person requires. Yet asking for specific medications can fuel distrust, compounded by many doctors’ lack of familiarity with sickle cell.

Only one in five family physicians said they were comfortable treating sickle cell, according to a 2015 survey. Even hematologists rarely specialize in it, with a greater focus on cancers of the blood, which are more prevalent.

Ms. Craig lamented that sickle cell patients did not seem to get the sympathy given to people with other devastating illnesses. Somebody needed to change that, she told her aunt, “and I’m going to be that somebody.”

“Sickle cell patients are not abusing, are not the major cause of people overdosing,” Ms. Craig told her.

“I’m not saying that,” her aunt said, later adding, “She’s thinking I’m against her.”

“I’m not saying you’re against me, but you’re definitely not standing shoulder to shoulder with me,” Ms. Craig said.

Ms. Craig was now worked up, and her husband, Jeremy, urged her to calm down. He has long been her champion, but Ms. Craig worried her disease was a drag on her family. Jeremy, 45, their daughter, Kaylyn, 19, and their son, Mason, 15, have endured her at her weakest and angriest. They accompany her on middle-of-the-night emergency room runs and wake up when she paces their single-story brick home in the middle of the night because of pain.

Still, they have always looked out for her. Her husband first learned that she had sickle cell when they were dating and she told him that she was having a pain crisis. He drove her to the emergency room at 2 a.m., kissed her on the forehead and told her he loved her. She was sold. And because he was white, there was a lower chance that he would carry the sickle cell mutation, meaning it was less likely that their children would have the disease — something she also found appealing.

For Mr. Craig, simply watching his wife suffer was not an option. He always looked for solutions and thought he’d come up with one as he scrolled through his cellphone one evening in their dim living room: marijuana.

“I think you should try it,” he said.

Ms. Craig waved him off, but he insisted that it would be safe to try in states where it was legal.

“What if it works?” he asked.

“What if it doesn’t,” she replied. “I’m done talking to you about that whole situation.”

“If we go to Washington State,” he insisted.

“I’m not going,” she said, cutting him off. “To me, that feels like an addict.”

Still, she was desperate for help as her relationship with Dr. Hanna deteriorated. A social worker suggested she consult specialists at Vanderbilt.

She made the appointment. Just a few days before the visit, she made her fourth trip to the emergency room in six weeks for a pain crisis. The doctor gave her intravenous Tylenol and four oxycodone tablets. After four hours, she was still in pain and left the hospital, as she had many times, without relief.

“I want to be extremely honest with u and let you know I am tired,” she wrote to me on Facebook at 1:16 a.m., after getting home from the emergency room. “I feel beaten down by these doctors as if I am an addict.”

She was hurtling, she said, toward “a dangerous level of depression.”

Ms. Craig fidgeted and sweat beaded around her lip, forehead and eyes. It was Jan. 18, 2019, and, at last, she sat in an exam room at Vanderbilt.

Dr. Adetola A. Kassim strolled in, chomping gum. He shook hands with her and her husband.

“So what brings you?” he asked.

For half an hour, Ms. Craig guided him through her arduous journey: hip replacement, seizures, blood clots. Pain crises usually came right before her period, she told him, and he said that researchers were exploring whether there was a link between sickle cell pain and menstruation.

Dr. Kassim, who heads Vanderbilt’s adult sickle cell program, is a native of Nigeria who has specialized in treating the disease for more than 20 years. As he listened to her medical history and symptoms, he contemplated the riddle of treating her.

“What you’ve had over the years is an interplay of your disease with other chronic health problems,” he told her. “I’m going to think about it carefully because you’re a little complicated.”

He told Ms. Craig that he needed to run tests to figure out the underlying causes of her chronic pain. Did she, for instance, have arthritis? Since hydroxyurea had so many side effects for her, he wanted to try another drug, Endari.

And he wanted to manage her pain with sparing narcotic use. He worried she was susceptible to hyperalgesia, a condition in which prolonged opioid use can alter patients’ nerve receptors and actually cause more pain.

In many ways, he was echoing Dr. Hanna. She needed to take fewer narcotics. Sickle cell probably was not the cause of some of her pain. But he never questioned whether she was hurting. He listened. He laid out a plan.

“You can’t just come in one day and be like a cowboy,” Dr. Kassim said in a later interview. “You’ve got to win their trust and begin to slowly educate them.”

After she left his office that day, Ms. Craig leaned her head on her husband’s shoulder. “I feel like we should have come here a long time ago,” she said.

Three months after her first visit with Dr. Kassim, pain radiated through her lower back, left hip, elbows and knees. She was out of hydrocodone, and her next refill was more than a week away.

“Continue alternating between Aleve and extra strength Tylenol,” Karina L. Wilkerson, a nurse practitioner in Dr. Kassim’s office, counseled her in an email, prescribing a muscle relaxer and telling her: “Rest, heat and hydrate.”

Days later, the pain was so unrelenting that Ms. Craig went to the emergency room and got a dose of intravenous narcotics.

She felt as if history was repeating itself. She was trying to wean herself from opioids, to rely mostly on over-the-counter meds, to use heat and ice, but it was not working.

“I feel like I’m a junkie,” she said in an interview, her voice cracking.

The pain returned a day after she left the hospital. With four days until her next visit to Dr. Kassim, she sent another message to ask whether there was anything more to be done, careful not to request hydrocodone. A nurse wrote that she could be prescribed more muscle relaxers, but “we cannot fill any narcotics for you before your appointment.”

Ms. Craig felt as if she was back where she started. Dr. Kassim was friendly, attentive and knowledgeable, yet she was still enduring pain.

“A part of me knew we’d be back in this position,” she said, “that it was too good to be true.”

One day last May, Ms. Craig had spent a lot of time on her feet at a family gathering after a relative’s death. As she settled in for the evening, a family friend dropped off two children she had agreed to babysit, and she braced for the inevitable result of a busy day: pain.

In the past, she would have taken a hydrocodone earlier in the day as a maintenance dose. But she had been seeing Dr. Kassim for more than a year, and although pain continued to gnaw at her, she was starting to buy into his advice. She had paid close attention to Facebook groups and news from medical journals with the latest developments on sickle cell. In her 48th year battling the disease, her perspective was changing.

She had come to realize that no matter how much hydrocodone she took or how well versed her doctor was in the disease, her pain did not disappear — and that the medical consensus had shifted against relying mainly on narcotics.

“It’s like a defeated acceptance,” she said.

In the wee hours of the morning after the family gathering, she began to hurt. Her hips throbbed. She tried to sleep on her left side, then her right. She lay on her back and elevated her feet. Nothing worked.

Still, she held off on the narcotics. Most people with sickle cell remember a crisis when their pain was “at a zillion and you were sitting in that emergency room, waiting for them to call you, and all you wanted to do was pass out,” she said. “We live on that edge of fear.”

She held off until about 11 a.m., when she took a hydrocodone. It provided enough relief to keep her out of the hospital — just the kind of progress Dr. Kassim wanted from her.

He sought to address the underlying triggers of her pain: sickle cell, worn joints, her menstrual cycle, nerve damage and prolonged opioid use. The main thing, he said, was to stabilize her quality of life. That goal motivated her.

But the spread of the coronavirus has interfered with their plan.

Dr. Kassim told Ms. Craig during a visit in February of last year that he wanted her to get an M.R.I. to better understand the underlying causes of her pain. But the pandemic hit, and she was not able to get that imaging until December. It revealed some of the pain triggers that Ms. Craig will have to get under control: a bulging disk in her back, and arthritis in both hips and her left shoulder.

She held off going to physical therapy for fear of catching Covid-19, but is now planning to go since she has been vaccinated. She has tried to tolerate the pain and avoid the hospital, but not always successfully. There were three visits in a week last June and a five-hour wait during a September visit.

Through the past year, she has grown more resolute, trying to raise awareness and support for people with the disease in Knoxville. She had masks made with the words “sickle cell” printed across the front. She has resolved to live with the disease, not suffer from it.

“It’s just my life,” she said. “The one I’ve been dealt.”

Categories
World News

Roman Protasevich: A Belarus Activist Who ‘Refused to Dwell in Concern’

WARSAW — Since his teenage years as a rebellious high school student in Belarus and continuing into his 20s while in exile abroad, Roman Protasevich faced so many threats from the country’s security apparatus — of violent beatings, jail, punishment against family members — that “we all sort of got used to them,” a fellow exiled dissident recalled.

So, despite his being branded a terrorist by Belarus late last year — a capital offense — Mr. Protasevich was not particularly worried when he set off for Greece from Lithuania, where he had been living, earlier this month to attend a conference and take a short vacation with his Russian girlfriend, Sofia Sapega.

But that sense of security was shattered on Sunday when they were snatched by Belarus security officials on the tarmac at Minsk National Airport after a MiG-29 fighter jet was scrambled to intercept his commercial flight home to Lithuania from Greece. Mr. Protasevich, 26, now faces the vengeance of President Aleksandr G. Lukashenko, the 66-year-old Belarusian leader from whom he once received a scholarship for gifted students but has since defied with unflinching zeal.

In a short video released on Monday by the authorities in Belarus, Mr. Protasevich confessed — under duress, his friends say — to taking part in the organization of “mass unrest” last year in Minsk, the Belarus capital. That is the government’s term for weeks of huge street protests after Mr. Lukashenko, in power since 1994, declared a landslide re-election victory in an August election widely dismissed as brazenly rigged.

Stispan Putsila, the fellow dissident who described the atmosphere around Mr. Protasevich and the co-founder of opposition social media channels that Mr. Protasevich used last year to help mobilize street protests, said he had spoken to his friend and colleague before his departure for Greece about the potential risks.

They agreed, he said, that it was best to avoid flying over Belarus, Russia or any other state that cooperated with Mr. Lukashenko, but that flights between two European Union countries, Lithuania and Greece, should be safe.

He added that Mr. Protasevich might not have realized that the Ryanair flight he boarded in Athens on Sunday morning would fly over the western edge of Belarus, a route that opened the way for Mr. Lukashenko to carry out what European leaders condemned as a “state-sponsored hijacking.”

That something was amiss became clear at the airport in Athens, when Mr. Protasevich noticed a man he assumed to be a Belarus security agent trying to take photographs of him and his travel documents at the check-in counter.

Taking fright, however, was not in his character, Mr. Putsila said in an interview at the office of Nexta, the opposition news organization where Mr. Protasevich established himself as one of Mr. Lukashenko’s most effective and unbending critics.

“By his character Roman has always been very resolute,” Mr. Putsila said. “He refused to live in fear.”

Since Mr. Lukashenko took power in Belarus in 1994, however, that has been a very perilous proposition.

Mr. Protasevich has been resisting his country’s tyranny since he was 16, when he first witnessed what he described as the “disgusting” brutality of Mr. Lukashenko’s rule. That began a personal journey that would turn a gifted student at a science high school in Minsk into an avowed enemy of a government that Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice in 2005 called “the last remaining true dictatorship in the heart of Europe.”

Mr. Protasevich was raised in an outlying district of Minsk in one of the city’s anonymous, concrete high-rises by a father who was a military officer and a mother who taught math at an army academy. He studied at a prestigious high school and won an award in a Russian science contest.

But in the summer after 10th grade, Mr. Protasevich was detained by the police while sitting on a park bench with a friend watching a so-called “clapping protest,” when a flash mob clapped to show opposition to the government, without actually uttering any forbidden statements. Mr. Protasevich was just watching, Natalia Protasevich, his mother, said in an interview.

“For the first time I saw all the dirt that is happening in our country,” he said in a 2011 video posted on YouTube . “Just as an example: Five huge OMON riot police officers beat women. A mother with her child was thrown into a police van. It was disgusting. After that everything changed fundamentally.”

A letter from the security services to his high school followed. He was expelled and home educated for six months, as no other school would take him, his mother said.

The family eventually negotiated a deal with the Ministry of Education. Mr. Protasevich could attend school, though only an ordinary one, not the elite lyceum he had been enrolled in before, but only if his mother resigned from her teaching job at the army academy.

“Imagine being a 16-year-old and being expelled from school,” Ms. Protasevich said. “It was this incident, this injustice, this insult,” that drove him into the political opposition, she said. “That is how he began his activism as a 16-year-old.”

Mr. Protasevich studied journalism at Belarusian State University but again ran into trouble with the authorities. Unable to finish his degree, he worked as a freelance reporter for a variety of opposition-leaning publications. Frequently detained and jailed for short periods, he decided to move to Poland, working for 10 months in Warsaw with Mr. Putsila and others on the Nexta team disseminating videos, leaked documents and news reports critical of Mr. Lukashenko.

Convinced that his work would have more impact if he were inside Belarus, Mr. Protasevich returned in 2019 to Minsk. But the political climate had only darkened there as Mr. Lukashenko geared up for a presidential election in 2020.

In November 2019, the police in Belarus detained a fellow dissident journalist, Vladimir Chudentsov, on what were denounced as trumped up drug charges as he was trying to cross the border into Poland.

Sensing serious trouble ahead, Mr. Protasevich decided to flee. On short notice, carrying only a backpack, according to his mother, he again left for Poland, Belarus’s western neighbor with a large population of exiles who had fled Mr. Lukashenko’s rule.

His parents followed him there last summer to avoid arrest after security agents pressured neighbors to speak with the parents about encouraging their son to return to Belarus, where he faced certain detention.

Mr. Protasevich stayed put in Warsaw, becoming a key opposition figure along with Mr. Putsila at Nexta, posting regular reports on the social media site Telegram. Mr. Putsila described their work as “activist journalism,” but added that Mr. Lukashenko had left no space for traditional journalism by shutting down any outlet inside Belarus that did more than parrot the government line.

Working from an apartment in central Warsaw near the Polish Parliament, Mr. Protasevich moved further away from traditional journalism after the disputed presidential election last August, taking an active role in organizing street protests through Nexta’s account on Telegram.

“He was more interested in organizing street action” than disseminating news, recalled Mr. Putsila, who also goes by the name Stepan Svetlov, an alias. “I would not say he was more radical, but he definitely became more resolute.”

Mr. Protasevich’s work crossed into the realm of political activism, not only reporting on the protests but also planning them. “We’re journalists, but we also have to do something else,” he said in an interview last year. “No one else is left. The opposition leaders are in prison.” Mr. Putsila said that Mr. Protasevich never advocated violence, only peaceful protests.

In September last year, Mr. Protasevich left Poland for neighboring Lithuania to join Svetlana Tikhanovskaya, the principal opposition candidate in the August election who had been forced to flee. With Mr. Lukashenko’s other main rivals in detention, Ms. Tikhanovskaya had become the main voice of the Belarus opposition.

In November, prosecutors in Belarus formally charged Mr. Protasevich under a law that bans the organization of protests that violate “social order.” The security services also put him on a list of accused terrorists.

But Mr. Protasevich felt safe in the European Union, and even took to mocking the charges against him in his homeland.

“After the Belarusian government identified me as a terrorist, I received more congratulations than ever in my entire life for a birthday,” he told Nashe Nive, a Belarusian news site.

Mr. Putsila said he was stunned that Mr. Lukashenko would force a commercial airliner to land just to arrest a youthful critic but, with the benefit of hindsight, thinks the operation should not have come as a big surprise. The autocrat, he said, wanted to show that “we will reach you not only in Belarus but wherever you are. He has always tried to terrify.”

A measure of that was that when the plane was forced to land in Minsk on Sunday, Belarus security agents arrested not only Mr. Protasevich but Ms. Sapega, 23. Ms. Sapega, a law student at the European Humanities University in Vilnius, Lithuania’s capital, appeared to have been arrested over her association. She was not known to be a target in her own right. Her lawyer said Wednesday she would be jailed for at least two months and face a criminal trial.

A young woman who identified herself as Ms. Sapega, who had not been seen in public since her arrest, appeared in a video posted on Twitter on Tuesday by NTV, a state-controlled Russian television channel.

The woman said she had been on the same plane as Mr. Protasevich to Lithuania, where she said she served as an editor for the “Black Book of Belarus,” a Telegram channel that focuses on exposing police brutality and is banned by Belarus as an “extremist” organization. Clearly speaking under duress in Russian, she confessed to publishing the personal information of Interior Ministry officers, a criminal offense in Belarus.

Mr. Putsila noted that Nexta had received so many threatening letters and abusive phone calls that Polish police officers stand permanent guard on the stairwell leading to the office.

“The Lukashenko regime considers Roman one of its main enemies,” he said. “Maybe it is right.”

Another colleague, Ekaterina Yerusalimskaya, told the Tut.by news service that she and Mr. Protasevich once noticed a mysterious man tailing them in Poland, and reported it to the police. Still, Mr. Protasevich remained nonchalant. “He calmed himself by saying nobody would touch us, otherwise it would be an international scandal,” Ms. Yerusalimskaya said.

Mr. Protasevich’s mother said she worried about his safety but, breaking down in tears as she contemplated her son’s fate after his arrest in Minsk, added: “We believe justice will prevail. We believe all this terror will pass. We believe political prisoners will be freed. And we are very proud of our son.”

Ivan Nechepurenko contributed reporting from Moscow.

Categories
Health

In Covid-19 Vaccine Information, LGBTQ Folks Worry Invisibility

Even if some people are reluctant to reveal such data, research shows that clinicians overestimate how many patients would refuse to self-report. A 2017 study found that around 80 percent of doctors felt that patients would be reluctant to provide this data, but only 10 percent of patients said they would refuse to do so.

The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention have also stated that it should be optional for patients to report their gender identity. The ability to report yourself is key, according to proponents. “It’s important that people identify like any other demographic,” said Chris Grasso, vice president of information technology and data services at the Fenway Institute. “We want to normalize data collection – just like we ask people questions about their age, race, or ethnicity.”

LGBTQ advocates have been raising alarm bells throughout the pandemic, writing letters to health organizations and the new government, and asking authorities to report on coronavirus testing, care outcomes and vaccine intake in their communities.

Some states and jurisdictions have started moving forward: Pennsylvania, Rhode Island, and Washington, DC are collecting and reporting some of this data in their Covid-19 monitoring systems. And in September, the Governor of California signed a bill requiring healthcare providers to collect the data for all communicable diseases.

But it wasn’t until March that the California Department of Health hadn’t released its sexual orientation and gender identity statistics. And other officials raising concerns from those trying to keep their sexuality private have expressed concern about the gathering of this information. For example, Colorado Governor Jared Polis, who is gay, said in a discussion with other elected officials in April 2020, “There are a lot of people in Colorado who don’t want this information out there.”

Despite the lack of data, the CDC notes that LGBTQ people may have more severe Covid-19 results than heterosexual people, in part due to a higher prevalence of pre-existing conditions such as heart disease, diabetes, asthma, cancer, obesity and smoking .

Categories
Business

Religion, Freedom, Worry: Rural America’s Covid Vaccine Skeptics

Which trustworthy person will speak for the vaccine? Eva Fields?

She is a nurse who treated one of the first on-site patients to die of Covid. She grew up in Greeneville and has 24 relatives who had the virus.

When she asks patients if they are going to be vaccinated, about half say, “No, and I won’t.” Assuming she’s going to be angry, add, “I’m so sorry if this upsets you!”

Miss Fields replies, “That’s fine, honey. I don’t intend to. “

Her gut tells her to believe a video sent to her by someone from a far-right misinformation group jokingly said studies showed vaccines cause plaque in the brain.

Like others here, she is suspicious of Bill Gates’ involvement in vaccine development. One evening over dinner, Dr. Theo Hensley, a vaccine advocate in her office: “I don’t know Bill Gates, but I know Dolly gave Parton a million dollars.” (Ms. Parton is Northeast Tennessee’s favorite daughter.)

“Well, she’s probably fine,” admitted Miss Fields.

“When someone pushes something really hard, I sit back because I don’t like people telling me, ‘You have to do this,” said Miss Fields. Repeating to many others, she added, “I have to do my own research . “

At the moment she is not pushing or discouraging patients to get the vaccine.

The day the Fletchers, the retired couple, met their family doctor, Dr. Daniel Lewis, speaking about the vaccine, marked the one year anniversary of the day he was put on a ventilator with a severe case of Covid.

Dr. Lewis, 43, stayed in the hospital for over a month. He was so seriously ill that he recorded goodbye messages for his five children.

Categories
Politics

Black Democrats, Conflicted on a Voting Rights Push, Concern It’s Too Late

To Jackson’s close-knit constituency, whose members consider themselves torchbearers in the form of Mr. Figgers and Mr. Evers, all of this is evidence of the continued absence of urgency.

“If the people who were most affected were whites, the Democrats would have done something about it a long time ago,” said Rukia Lumumba, executive director of the People’s Advocacy Institute in Jackson. Her brother is the Mayor of Jackson and her late father also played that role. “They thought, ‘Oh, this is just the South,’ and not that what we saw here was going to the rest of the country.”

Mr Holder, who now leads a group focused on redistribution and access to ballot papers, said he would encourage senators to eliminate the filibuster in order to pass the For the People Act if necessary. His group and partners plan to spend $ 30 million to introduce the legislation to voters in states with key senators, including Arizona, Pennsylvania, and West Virginia.

“The missions are the condition of our democracy,” said Holder. “This is more than a partisan who wins and who loses?” Game. If we are unsuccessful in HR 1 or HR 4, I am really concerned that our democracy will be fundamentally and irreparably damaged. “

He added: “We will still hold elections every two or four years, but they could become almost meaningless.”

Mr. Holder was also something of a suffrage ambassador among the Democrats: last month, he was brought in on a virtual call to the Black Caucus of Congress because some of the older members of the caucus had deep reservations about the For the People, according to those involved with the Planning the call, there is a rare gap between the democratic leadership and the group that is often referred to as “the conscience of Congress”.

In fact, Rep. Thompson was the only Democrat who voted against the bill in the House of Representatives and reversed his stance as a former co-sponsor. In the weeks since then, Mr Thompson has turned down several requests from the New York Times to explain his vote or respond to voters who say it goes against the Southern Democrats’ rich history of defending black voting rights.