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Health

David Mintz, Whose Tofutti Made Bean Curd Cool, Dies at 89

After graduating from Lubavitcher Yeshiva High School in Crown Heights, he attended Brooklyn College, briefly sold mink stoles and ran a bungalow colony in the Catskills, where he opened a deli.

After opening his Manhattan restaurant, he said in one of many versions of the story that “a Jewish hippie” introduced him to the potential of tofu. “The Book of Tofu” (1979) by William Shurtleff and Akiko Aoyagi became his new Bible.

Mr. Mintz’s first marriage ended in divorce (“Bean curd wasn’t exciting for them,” he told the Baltimore Jewish Times in 1984). In 1984 he married Rachel Avalagon, who died that year. He is survived by their son Ethan.

Mr. Mintz often took advice from Rabbi Menachem Mendel Schneerson, venerable leader of the Hasidic Lubavitcher movement, to whom he had been introduced by his brother Isaac Gershon Mintz. According to COLLive, an Orthodox news site, David Mintz wrote $ 1,000 checks daily to Rabbi Schneerson’s Philanthropy. (He was the founder of the Chabad Community of Tenafly.)

“Whenever I met with the Rebbe, I would mention what I was doing and he would say to me, ‘You must have faith. If you believe in God, you can do miracles, ”Mintz said in a 2013 interview with Jewish Educational Media.

In the late 1970s, he was forced to close Mintz’s Buffet, his restaurant on Third Avenue, because the block was demolished for the construction of Trump Plaza. When he was offered the opportunity to move his restaurant to the Upper West Side, he turned to Rabbi Schneerson for advice. The rabbi’s secretary, Rabbi Leibel Groner, called him back, remembered Mr. Mintz and said: “Get a pencil and paper and write it down. This is very important. “

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Politics

David Perdue Recordsdata to Run In opposition to Raphael Warnock for Georgia Senate Seat

David Perdue, the one-year-old U.S. Senator from Georgia who lost a runoff election to Senator Jon Ossoff last month, filed documents Monday evening showing he was planning a comeback – this time against Georgia’s other new Senator, Raphael Warnock.

Mr. Perdue, a former businessman who initially ran for office as an outsider and later became one of former President Donald Trump’s closest allies in the Senate, submitted documents to the Bundestag Electoral Commission to set up a “Perdue for Senate” campaign committee.

The move, first reported by Fox News, was seen as the first step in the Republican Party’s efforts to win back one of the Senate seats lost in Georgia’s historic runoff on Jan. 5.

Mr. Warnock and Mr. Ossoff prevailed in those runoffs – not only the first time since 2000 that a Democrat won a seat in the Georgia Senate, but also a victory that put the Democrats in control of the Senate. The two parties each have 50 seats in the chamber, with Vice President Kamala Harris casting the casting vote.

The loss of Mr Perdue to Mr Ossoff followed a bitter campaign and ended with Mr Perdue being sidelined after exposure to coronavirus. An election evening appearance by Mr. Trump in the state failed to spark sufficient Republican turnout and raised questions about whether he was depressed by Mr. Trump’s repeated fraud allegations in the local elections.

Mr. Ossoff got 50.6 percent of the vote to 49.4 percent for Mr. Perdue, who waited two days for approval, leading to speculation that he might challenge the result.

Mr Warnock won her runoff election against Senator Kelly Loeffler, 51 to 49 percent. The two took part in a special election to serve a six-year term. The 2022 Senate race winner will have a full term.

Georgia should already be a major focus of the 2022 election, with a hotly contested governor race that could result in a rematch between Republican incumbent Brian Kemp and his 2018 Democratic opponent Stacey Abrams. Ms. Abrams narrowly lost that race, but ran a voting organization that was vital to the registration and mobilization of Democrats and helped turn Georgia blue for President Biden, Mr. Warnock, and Mr. Ossoff. Ms. Abrams has not announced whether she will run for governor again.

Mr Trump has already made it very clear that he plans to take part in the Georgia elections in 2022: He has sharply criticized Mr Kemp and the state secretary and lieutenant governor for failing to support his false claims of electoral fraud in Georgia and wanting to that they will lose if they run for re-election.

Given Mr. Perdue’s connections with Mr. Trump, it is possible that the former president will be running a presence campaign for Mr. Perdue and against Mr. Kemp next year.

However, it’s not entirely clear that a Republican Senate candidate should applaud Mr. Trump’s future support.

Bill Crane, a Georgia political agent and commentator, said Monday that the former president’s appearances on behalf of the two Republicans appeared to have worked against them in January – with Republican turnout in the two Congressional districts where Mr Trump fought , was pressed.

Mr Crane, who has worked for both Republican and Democratic candidates, said he wouldn’t be surprised if Mr Perdue took on Mr Warnock given the close results of his January race. To win, Mr Perdue would have to win and change his strategy.

“He would need to speak to women on occasion, non-aligned, libertarian, more centrist voters, not just the grassroots Republican Party,” Crane said.

Working on Mr Perdue’s behalf is a significant war chest – about $ 5 million from his campaign left to race in 2022, according to a federal election report.

Neither Mr Warnock, who is leaving a term vacated by ex-Senator Johnny Isakson, a Republican, nor Mr Ossoff’s offices immediately replied to messages asking for comment. Speakers from Mr. Perdue and the Georgia Republican Party were also unavailable.

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Health

David Katzenstein, AIDS Researcher With Deal with Africa, Dies at 69

This obituary is part of a series about people who died from the coronavirus pandemic. Read about others here.

Dr. David Katzenstein was perhaps a dreamer, “with sometimes brilliant and sometimes a little aloof ideas,” said a colleague recently. But from the start he was in a biosphere that spawned new undiscovered and casual killers, not an ivory tower researcher looking at the world through a microscope.

After studying medicine, he did an internship at the University of New Mexico, where his work with indigenous peoples became a permanent commitment to helping underserved populations prevent and control infectious diseases.

As a virologist and clinician, he has not only contributed to advancing the prevention, diagnosis and treatment of HIV and AIDS for 35 years. He also made these techniques available to middle- and low-income patients in sub-Saharan Africa.

Dr. Katzenstein, professor emeritus of infectious diseases and global health at Stanford Medicine, California, died on January 25 in Harare, Zimbabwe, where he had moved after retiring in 2016. He was 69 years old. The cause was Covid-19, said his stepdaughter Melissa Sanders-Self.

“Imbued with a passionate belief in social justice, David Katzenstein had an overwhelming influence on the fight against HIV in sub-Saharan Africa,” said Dr. Lloyd Minor, dean of Stanford University medical school, in a statement.

David Allenberg Katzenstein was born on January 3, 1952 in Hartford, Connecticut, to physicist Henry Katzenstein and clinical psychologist Constance (Allenberg) Katzenstein.

He graduated from the University of California at San Diego in 1973 with a bachelor’s degree in biology and received a medical degree there in 1977.

He married Sharon Mayes, who died in 2007. In addition to his stepdaughter, his sisters Ruth Souza and Amy Harrington survive him. his brother Rob Katzenstein; two bootlegs; and a step great-granddaughter.

After his stay in San Diego, Dr. Katzenstein at the University of California at Davis and the University of Minnesota until 1986.

While at the University of California, the International Antiviral Society-USA said he established a relationship with the Department of Medical Microbiology at the University of Zimbabwe Medical School and became “one of the first US-based HIV researchers to do the committed to work in this region around the world. “

From 1987 to 1989, Dr. Katzenstein as Senior Research Fellow at the Center for Biologics Evaluation and Research of the Food and Drug Administration.

In 1989, he moved to Stanford Faculty as Assistant Clinical Professor of Infectious Diseases and was appointed Assistant Medical Director of Stanford’s AIDS Clinical Trial Unit, which, among other things, conducted clinical trials of antiretroviral drugs that prolong the lives of people with HIV

He focused on the challenges posed by resistance to HIV antiviral drugs and was one of the first researchers to publicize the problem in Africa.

In Zimbabwe, he directed the Institute of Biomedical Research and Education in Harare, where he trained clinical researchers, introduced advanced diagnostic and monitoring techniques into community health programs, and continued to publish research studies until his death.

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Politics

Meet his new attorneys, Bruce Castor and David Schoen

US President Donald Trump returns to the White House after the news media declared Democratic US presidential candidate Joe Biden the winner of the 2020 US presidential election in Washington, USA on November 7, 2020.

Carlos Barria | Reuters

After members of his first legal team quit, former President Donald Trump has won two new lawyers to represent him in his upcoming second impeachment trial.

Two trial attorneys, David Schoen and Bruce Castor Jr., will lead the legal team that Trump is defending in the Senate against charges of instigating the deadly invasion of the U.S. Capitol on January 6th.

The hiring of Schoen, a civil rights and criminal defense attorney who previously represented Trump’s longtime ally Roger Stone, and Castor, a former district attorney known for failing to prosecute Bill Cosby for sexual assault, was announced in a press release on Sunday Trump’s office announced.

The current team was deployed after several outlets reported that Trump’s former impeachment attorneys left after the 45th President asked them to focus his defense on unsubstantiated election fraud claims.

Trump, who lost to President Joe Biden in November, falsely claimed for weeks that the race was stolen from him through widespread fraud. He reiterated these claims, calling on then-Vice President Mike Pence to discard the election results during a rally outside the White House just before a group of his supporters stormed the Capitol.

A source told NBC News that the attorneys’ departure from Trump’s legal team was a “mutual decision.” The New York Times reported, citing someone familiar with the matter, that one of the late lawyers, Butch Bowers, had no chemistry with Trump.

The impeachment process is due to begin on February 9, almost three weeks after Trump left the White House to make way for Biden. Last week 45 Republican senators voted for a motion declaring it unconstitutional to hold a trial to convict a president who has stepped down – a view held by Trump’s new legal team.

“Schön has already worked with the 45th President and other advisors to prepare for the upcoming trial, and both Schön and Castor agree that this impeachment is unconstitutional,” Trump’s office said in a statement.

The process-oriented argument is viewed by some as a potential escape route for Republicans who refused to defend Trump’s conduct prior to the Capitol uprising but are unwilling to publicly cross their former party leader, let alone vote for him on impeachment condemn.

Democrats reject this argument. Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer, DN.Y., vowed that if Trump is convicted, there will be another vote preventing him from ever being president again. But if the 45 GOP senators who voted to dismiss the trial ultimately release Trump, the Democrats will leave the 67 votes required to convict far behind.

In this file photo dated August 16, 2016, Bruce L. Castor Jr. speaks the day before taking the oath to become acting attorney general during a press conference at the agency’s headquarters in Harrisburg, Pennsylvania.

Marc Levy | AP

“I consider it a privilege to represent the 45th President,” Castor said in a statement from Trump’s office.

“The strength of our constitution is being tested like never before in our history. It is strong and resilient. A document that was written to last and will triumph over partisanship again and again,” he said.

Castor was a District Attorney for Montgomery County, Pennsylvania from 2000 to 2008. He has also served as the district commissioner and attorney general and brief acting attorney general for Keystone State.

Castor decided not to bring sexual assault charges against world-famous entertainer and comedian Cosby in 2005 after former Temple University employee Andrea Constand told police that Cosby attacked her at his Pennsylvania mansion.

A decade later, Cosby was arrested by the same prosecutor and charged with substance abuse and sexual assault on Constand. Cosby’s lawyers argued that he had an agreement with Castor that he would not be charged. Castor said in 2016 that he wanted prosecutors to win.

Cosby was sentenced to three to ten years in prison in 2018. Last June, the Pennsylvania Supreme Court appealed Cosby.

Castor is the cousin of Stephen Castor, a Republican House attorney who was involved in Trump’s first impeachment in 2019, according to the New York Times. Stephen Castor recommended his cousin to Trump for his second impeachment team, according to the Times.

Lawyer David Schoen

Joe Cavaretta | South Florida Sun Sentinel | AP

Schoen, meanwhile, is linked to Trump through his representation of Republican agent Roger Stone in an appeal against his criminal conviction.

Stone was charged in 2019 with disability, false testimony and witness manipulation as part of the Russia investigation by then special adviser Robert Mueller. The charges related to Stone’s efforts during the 2016 presidential campaign to obtain information from the WikiLeaks document disclosure group about emails stolen from prominent Democrats.

Stone was convicted and sentenced to 40 months in prison. Days before he was due to report to a federal prison camp, Trump, a frequent critic of Müller, commuted Stone’s verdict “in the face of the tremendous facts and circumstances of his unfair persecution, arrest and trial.”

In his final month in office, Trump pardoned Stone amid dozens of other pardons.

Schön said in a statement from Trump’s office on Sunday: “It is an honor to represent 45th President Donald J. Trump and the United States Constitution.”

According to reports, on August 1, 2019, days before Epstein’s death, Schön met with alleged child trafficker Jeffrey Epstein in New York’s Metropolitan Correctional Center. Schön considered becoming Epstein’s principal attorney.

Epstein’s death was classified as a suicide by hanging in his prison cell. But before the New York coroner made that decision, Schön told the Atlanta Jewish Times, “I don’t think it was suicide … I think someone killed him.”

In a recent interview with the outlet, Schön said he represented “all sorts of respected gangster figures: the alleged boss of the Russian mafia in that country, the Israeli mafia and two Italian bosses, as well as a man who the government claimed was the greatest Mafioso in. ” the world.”

Castor and Schoen have little time to adjust to their last task. Trump will file a response to his impeachment lawsuit on Tuesday, a week before the trial begins.

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Entertainment

David Fincher, the Unhappiest Auteur

For nearly three decades, David Fincher has been making gorgeous bummer movies that — in defiance of Hollywood’s first principle — insist that happy endings are a lie. Filled with virtuosic images of terrible deeds and violence, his movies entertain almost begrudgingly. Even when good somewhat triumphs, the victories come at a brutal cost. No one, Fincher warns, is going to save us. You will hurt and you will die, and sometimes your pretty wife’s severed head will end up in a box.

Long a specialized taste, Fincher in recent years started to feel like an endangered species: a commercial director who makes studio movies for adult audiences, in an industry in thrall to cartoons and comic books. His latest, “Mank,” a drama about the film industry, was made for Netflix, though. It’s an outlier in his filmography. Its violence is emotional and psychological, and there’s only one corpse, even if its self-destructive protagonist, Herman J. Mankiewicz (Gary Oldman), can look alarmingly cadaverous. Set in Hollywood’s golden age, it revisits his tenure in one of the most reliably bitter and underappreciated Hollywood tribes, a.k.a. screenwriters.

Part of the movie takes place in the early 1930s, when Herman was at Paramount and Metro-Goldwyn-Mayer; the other section focuses on when he was holed up in 1940 writing “Citizen Kane” for Orson Welles, its star, producer, director and joint writer. Like that film, “Mank”— written by Fincher’s father, Jack Fincher — kinks time, using the past to reflect on the present. Its flashbacks largely involve Herman’s boozy, yakky days and nights at Hearst Castle in the company of its crypt keeper, the newspaper tycoon William Randolph Hearst, and his lover, the actress Marion Davies. There amid the waxworks, Herman plays the court jester, as a few intimates unkindly note.

Hollywood loves gently self-flagellating stories about its horrible, wonderful doings; there’s a reason it keeps remaking “A Star Is Born.” The lash stings harder and more unforgivingly in “Mank” than it does in most of these reflexive entertainments, though Fincher’s movie also sentimentalizes the industry, most obviously in its soft-focus view of both Herman and Marion (Amanda Seyfried), a poor little rich dame. In narrative terms, Marion is Herman’s doppelgänger: a self-immolating avatar of decency that’s otherwise missing in their crowd. Their real tragedy, at least here, is that they’re in the movie business, and, as punishment, each must endure the unhappy patronage of a great man: Marion under Hearst and Herman with Orson.

The two narrative lines in “Mank” never make coherent, interesting sense, no matter how Fincher jams them together. The big news during Herman’s MGM years is the industry’s (and Hearst’s) propagandistic drive to torpedo the writer Upton Sinclair’s 1934 run for governor of California. The real Herman Mankiewicz doesn’t seem to have had much of anything to do with this chapter in American cinema, but Hollywood has rarely let fact get in the way of a juicy story and “Mank” fully commits to its chronicle of events. But it doesn’t just stop there: It tethers Mankiewicz’s nonexistent role in this disinformation campaign to his role in “Citizen Kane,” a fascinatingly self-serving flex.

FINCHER WAS 27 when he was hired for “Alien 3,” his first feature. Welles was 25 when he began filming “Citizen Kane,” the most famous directorial debut in cinema history. There’s little to connect the men other than cinema. Welles had a background in radio and theater; Fincher had worked in postproduction before he started directing commercials and music videos. The Hollywood each man worked in was also different, though by the time Fincher made his first film for 20th Century Fox, the industry had weathered multiple existential threats beyond the coming of sound, including the end of the old studio system and the introduction of television and, later, home video.

By the time that Fincher was working on “Alien 3” (1992), the Hollywood that had warily welcomed and then turned on Welles was gone and the studios were part of multinational conglomerates. If only they could get rid of these actors and directors, then maybe they’ve got something, dreams a film executive in Robert Altman’s satire “The Player” (1992), an acid summation of the industry’s corporate mind-set. Fincher had a tough time with Fox during “Alien 3,” and with many others involved in its creation, partly because it wasn’t his to control. But the film established his directorial persona as prodigiously talented and uncompromisingly meticulous. “David wants it to be perfect every second,” Michael Landon, a Fox executive, told Premiere.

The entertainment industry loves the word “genius” as much as it hates its actual geniuses, as Welles’s history illustrates. Fincher had already been anointed a wunderkind when he was directing videos, back when his production-company colleague, Michael Bay, was known as “the little Fincher.” Sigourney Weaver, the star of the “Alien” series, called Fincher a genius, and so did Charles Dance, who played a doctor in “Alien 3” and Hearst in “Mank.” Whether Fincher thought he was or not, he did repeat some wisdom that his father had once dropped on him: “Learn your craft — it will never stop you from being a genius.”

It was already clear from Fincher’s music videos that he knew where to put the camera, when to move it and, crucially, how to make all the many different moving parts in his work flow together into a harmonious whole. There’s a reason that Martin Scorsese met him early on and that when Steven Soderbergh was preparing to make his caper film “Ocean’s Eleven,” he studied Fincher’s work. “I realized that it’s all instinct for him,” Soderbergh said of his friend in a 2000 L.A. Weekly interview. “I was breaking it down, but he’s going on gut.” Fincher had also been developing his skill set since he was young: when he was a teenager, he worked at Industrial Light & Magic.

“Alien 3” bombed and, for Fincher, remains a wound that has never healed. His resurrection came a few years later with “Seven” (1995), a brutal thriller that turned him into Hollywood’s Mr. Buzzkill, and put him on the path toward fan devotion bordering on the cultlike. Its Grand Guignol flourishes were attention-grabbing, yes, but what knocked some of us out was Fincher’s visual style, with its crepuscular lighting, immaculate staging and tableaus. Striking too was the visceral, claustrophobic feeling of inescapable doom. It was as if Fincher were trying to seal his audience up in a very lovely, very cold tomb. It was an easier movie to admire than love, but I was hooked.

It can be foolish to try to read directors through their movies, though Fincher invites such speculation, partly because he isn’t particularly expansive on what drives him. While promoting “Seven,” Fincher told the journalist Mark Salisbury that he was “interested in movies that scar.” And when Salisbury noted that the end of “Seven” was unusually depressing for Hollywood, Fincher laughed. “Excellent,” he said, “most movies these days don’t make you feel anything so if you can make people feel something …” He didn’t finish that sentence; he didn’t need to. He finished it with his movies, with their bruises, despair and, unusual for today, insistently feel-bad endings.

Most of Fincher’s protagonists are nice-looking, somewhat boyish, WASP-y white male professionals, kind of like him. Even when they don’t die, they suffer. Notably, whatever their differences, they engage in an epistemological search that grows progressively obsessive and at times violent. These are characters who want to know, who need to know even when the answers remain elusive: Where is my wife? Who is the murderer? Who am I? Their search for answers is difficult and creates or exacerbates a crisis in their sense of self. In “Alien 3,” the heroine, Ripley, realizes that she will give birth to a monster. In “Fight Club” (1999), the hero’s split personalities beat each other up. Always there is a struggle for control, over oneself and over others.

“Fight Club” centers on an Everyman, Jack (Edward Norton), who unwittingly develops a split personality he calls Tyler (Brad Pitt). Together, they create a men’s movement that swells from bare-knuckle fights to acts of terroristic violence (they enjoy better production values). The movie flopped and several executives at Fox, which had backed it, lost their jobs. The Fox chairman Rupert Murdoch apparently hated the film, which helped solidify Fincher’s reputation as a kind of outsider, if one whom other studios continued to give millions. It’s the paradigmatic Fincher movie, a gut punch delivered by a dude in a baseball cap. “I am Jack’s smirking revenge.”

IN 1995, A FEW WEEKS after “Seven” opened, I interviewed Fincher at Propaganda Films, the production company he’d helped found. He was funny, chatty and spoke fluidly about movie history and the technological shifts affecting the art and industry. “If you can dream it,” he said of digital, “you can see it.” He talked about the silent era, John Huston and Billy Wilder. “And then you have Welles walking into the thing going, OK let’s turn the whole [expletive] thing on its ear,” Fincher said. “We know it can talk, can it move, can it be opera?” Welles was already a touchstone for Fincher, whose 1989 music video for Madonna, “Oh Father,” alludes to “Citizen Kane” with snowy flashbacks. Fincher also mentioned Mankiewicz in passing.

He talked about “being crucified” for “Alien 3,” and how he’d known that his next movie would need to use genre to get people in their seats and deal with some of what interested him, namely “a certain fascination with violence.” He was, he said, someone who slowed down on the freeway to look at accidents. “When I was a kid, literally from the time I was about 5 years old until I was about 10 years old,” Fincher said, “I could not go to sleep, I would have nightmares.” Years later, when he made “Zodiac” (2007), he told interviewers about growing up in Marin County, where the killer had threatened to shoot schoolkids. It was easy to wonder if this was why the young Fincher couldn’t sleep.

Two years after “Seven” blew up the box office, the trades started running items about “Mank,” which Fincher was interested in directing with Kevin Spacey in the title role. Fincher said “Mank” would be “a black-and-white period piece about the creation of one of the greatest screenplays ever written” and “the man who did it in almost total anonymity.” Instead, he triumphed with “The Social Network” (2010) and baffled with “The Girl With the Dragon Tattoo” (2011). By the time he managed to direct “Mank,” it was for Netflix and Murdoch had sold the Fox studio to Disney, which killed it. He hadn’t made a movie since “Gone Girl,” a pulpy hit, six years earlier.

Fincher has directed only 11 feature movies; since “Gone Girl,” he has been busy making television. These include the Netflix shows “House of Cards,” about D.C. power players, and “Mindhunter,” about criminal profilers. Each is of a thematic and visual piece with Fincher’s work, but neither feels worthy of his talent. Maybe he doesn’t care. He made what he wanted and, perhaps more important, the way that he wanted. He might care more if he wrote his movies, but like most old-studio directors, he doesn’t. Mostly, I think, he just wants to work. “Netflix has been incredibly respectful,” he told the DGA Quarterly in 2013. I wonder if he feels that respect when you hit pause, as I did during “Mank,” and a Netflix pop-up asks if you’re enjoying the program.

There are all sorts of ways to look at “Mank” — as a vindication of Mankiewicz, as an assault on Welles. It’s both, it’s neither. In truth, the two characters are fundamentally in service to a movie that, in its broadest strokes, enshrines its own loathing of the industry, partly through its strained relationship to the truth. It was Herman Mankiewicz’s filmmaker brother, Joe (“All About Eve”), who did his bit to help sink Upton Sinclair’s campaign. By bending the facts, though, “Mank” does give Herman Mankiewicz an ostensibly righteous excuse for putting what he’d picked up at Hearst Castle into “Citizen Kane.” In “Mank,” he sells out a friend to stick it to the industry.

There’s nothing new about movies taking liberties with the truth, and the canard that Herman Mankiewicz was the main architect of “Citizen Kane” has been rebutted by prodigious scholarship. The movie’s insistence on heroizing him, though, is a puzzle, particularly because Welles was the more persuasive outsider. “Hollywood is a gold-plated suburb suitable for golfers, gardeners, assorted middlemen and contented movie stars,” Welles said in 1947. “I am none of these things.” It’s no wonder that Hollywood and its birds in their gilded cages hated him. They kept flapping while Welles made his movies, becoming an independent filmmaker before Sundance existed.

I can’t shake how eulogistic “Mank” feels. Maybe it would have felt different on the big screen, but because of the pandemic I watched it on my television. As I did, I kept flashing on “Sunset Boulevard,” Billy Wilder’s grim 1950 satire about another studio writer adrift in the waxworks. During that film, a forgotten silent-screen star famously says that the pictures have gotten small, a nod both to TV’s threat and Hollywood itself. I wondered if “Mank” was Fincher’s own elegy for an industry that increasingly has no interest in making movies like his and is, perhaps relatedly, facing another existential threat in streaming. Not long after, I read that he’d signed an exclusive deal with Netflix. The pictures would remain small, but at least he would remain in control.

Categories
Politics

David Perdue quarantines after Covid contact

Georgia Senator David Perdue went into quarantine after contacting someone who tested positive for Covid-19, his campaign announced on Thursday, less than a week before the Republican runoff against Democrat Jon Ossoff.

Perdue and his wife Bonnie tested negative for the coronavirus according to their campaign, which did not specify how long the 71-year-old incumbent senator would be in quarantine.

His contest against Ossoff is one of two runoff elections in Georgia on Tuesday that will determine whether Republicans or Democrats will have majority control over the US Senate starting next month.

In the other race, incumbent Senator Kelly Loeffler, Perdue’s Republican, meets Democrat Rev. Raphael Warnock. Recent polls suggest close races in any runoff election.

Perdue was due to perform with Loeffler on Thursday afternoon at a New Year’s Eve rally and concert in Gainesville.

The guidelines issued by the Federal Centers for Disease Control and Prevention require that people exposed to a person with Covid stay at home for 14 days after their last contact with an infected person.

“This morning Senator Perdue was informed that he had come into close contact with someone in the campaign who tested positive for COVID-19,” said a statement from Perdue’s campaign.

“Both Senator Perdue and his wife tested negative today, but according to his doctor’s recommendations and CDC guidelines, they will be quarantined,” the campaign said.

“The Senator and his wife have been tested regularly throughout the campaign and the team will continue to follow CDC guidelines. More information will be provided as it becomes available.”

Ossoff later tweeted, “I hope David, Bonnie, the campaign staff and supporters stay healthy and COVID negative.”

Loeffler quarantined himself at the start of the race after receiving inconclusive Covid test results on November 21. She has not tested positive for the virus.

Senator David Perdue (R-GA) speaks during a campaign rally as he runs for re-election at the Olde Blind Dog Irish pub in Milton, Georgia on December 21, 2020.

Al Drago | Reuters

In the final days leading up to Tuesday’s runoff election, Republicans stepped up their efforts to get a vote as data shows that Democrats enjoyed an advantage in turnout.

When asked during a Fox News interview how closely she and Perdue coordinated their drainage efforts, Loeffler said, “Our campaigns have come together in a nationwide operation of 1,000 people with 40,000 volunteers and 8,000 election monitors. So we all work hard one day to get out across Georgia and work with the Georgia voters and make sure they know what this is about. They know they’ll turn out. “

“The future of the country is at stake,” said Loeffler of the runoff election.

President Donald Trump is said to be promoting Perdue and Loeffler in Georgia on Monday.

President-elect Joe Biden will travel to Atlanta on Monday, and Vice-President-elect Kamala Harris plans to visit Savannah on Sunday to surprise Ossoff and Warnock in the final push before election day.

If Perdue and Loeffler both win their runoff elections, Republicans will hold a 52-seat majority in the Senate. The Democratic caucus, made up of two independents, Vermont Senator Bernie Sanders and Maine’s Angus King, would have 48 seats.

If Ossoff and Warnock win, the Democratic caucus would have 50 seats. With the groundbreaking vote by Vice-President-Elect Harris, this would put the Democrats in control of the Senate. Democrats currently hold the House of Representatives and will continue to do so in 2021, despite losing a number of seats in that Chamber.

The Covid crisis was an important topic in the election campaign. Perdue, in particular, was scrutinized by the Democrats over allegations of improper stock trading at the start of the pandemic.

Ossoff and Warnock have criticized Perdue and Loeffler’s handling of the crisis, while the incumbent senators have accused the Democrats of stalling efforts to get an aid package through.

More recently, Ossoff and Perdue used Trump’s call for $ 2,000 stimulus checks as an opportunity to criticize Senate Republicans for speaking out against a larger direct payment earlier in the Covid aid negotiation process. Perdue and Loeffler, who have strongly allied themselves with Trump, later parted ways with many Senate Republicans to support the president’s call for greater direct payments.

Georgia has reported more than 647,800 cases of Covid this year, with 10,846 deaths attributable to the coronavirus in the state.

More than 2.8 million Georgians have already voted in Wednesday’s runoff elections, a record turnout for such a competition in the state.