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Entertainment

‘Myths and Hymns,’ a Theater Cult Favourite, Adjustments Form Once more

Listening to Adam Guettel’s song cycle “Myths and Hymns,” after a year of pandemic isolation and cautiously hoping for vaccinated freedom, you might feel of a pang of recognition in the lyric “So get me up, and get me out, and let me never return,” swelling to “I’m out of here/I am going there/I am gone!”

A little timelessness is to be expected in Guettel’s songs, a genre-hopping clash of ancient Greek tales and hymnal texts that debuted in 1998 (with a brief run at the Public Theater that has taken on a mythic status of its own) and has since inspired artists to take it up in a variety of forms as simple as a recital showpiece, and as elaborate as a book musical adaptation.

The latest iteration reunites Guettel with Ted Sperling — the music director of that original production at the Public, and now the artistic director of MasterVoices, which is presenting “Myths and Hymns” as an online mini-series whose four thematically organized episodes conclude Wednesday with the premiere of “Faith.” (The whole production will remain on YouTube through June.)

In a typical season, MasterVoices marshals luminaries of Broadway and opera for concerts and semi-staged performances of both classic gems and newer works. But no production has been as starry as this “Myths and Hymns,” whose nimble eclecticism opens it up to diverse casting. (Stephen Holden, reviewing the Public performances for The New York Times, wrote that Guettel had “created a kaleidoscopically heady musical-theater piece in which Gabriel Fauré meets Stevie Wonder, Caetano Veloso embraces Earth, Wind and Fire, and they all dance together around the tribal hearth.”)

Each of the piece’s 24 songs was treated as a discrete project — with its own cast and creative team — which made it easy for performers to contribute compared with, say, a weekslong timeline for something at Carnegie Hall. Sperling cast a wide net, not getting everyone on his wish list (like James Taylor) but gathering, among many others, Kelli O’Hara, Renée Fleming, Joshua Henry, Anthony Roth Costanzo, Jennifer Holliday, John Lithgow and the group Take 6.

“It’s a pretty incredible roster,” Guettel said in a recent joint interview with Sperling. “It might be damn near impossible to get all these people together for one night onstage.”

It’s unsurprising that so many singers were willing to join the production. Guettel’s music isn’t the material of Broadway blockbusters, but it is widely beloved for its originality, even for its difficulty, leaning toward the tradition of American art song — or even the high-level writing of golden age musical theater composers like his grandfather Richard Rodgers.

O’Hara, who starred in Guettel’s 2005 musical, “The Light in the Piazza,” as well as in workshops for his work in progress “Days of Wine and Roses,” said that the word that always comes to mind with his music is “satisfying.”

“It’s so rich, and there’s so much work to it, but it begs us to take in and understand it,” said O’Hara, whose appearances in the MasterVoices production include a luxuriously cast “Migratory V” adapted as a trio for her, Fleming and the soprano Julia Bullock. “I don’t want to be spoon-fed easy melodies and things I can hum. I want ones that get inside and kill me, really. And that’s what ‘Myths and Hymns’ does for me.”

This “Myths and Hymns” is a rare opportunity to hear Guettel’s music, which has been absent on Broadway since the lushly sensuous score of “The Light in the Piazza” resounded from the pit of the Vivian Beaumont Theater. Not that he hasn’t been busy; in fact, he’s written entire musicals.

“Two of them are finished, and they’re circling La Guardia,” Guettel said, “for understandable reasons, between the pandemic and some other complications that have come up, in terms of how and where the shows were meant to be produced.” (The embattled megaproducer Scott Rudin had been attached to “Days of Wine and Roses.”)

For now, though, Guettel has been able to revisit some of his earliest music, and in a new medium. Over lunch, he and Sperling talked more about the genesis of “Myths and Hymns,” then and now, and what may be in store for the piece’s future. Here are edited excerpts from that conversation.

Was this conceived as a virtual production from the start?

TED SPERLING From the very beginning. My concept was that it should be kaleidoscopic. I wanted a lot of directors, a lot of input, a lot of difference. I didn’t even want the directors to know what they were doing.

That reflects the music’s range. Adam, can you explain how “Myths and Hymns” took this form to begin with?

ADAM GUETTEL I had been writing these myths just because I was just starting out as a writer, and you don’t know what to write. I did stuff that was tried and true. That was enough to keep me busy. Then I came across this book in an old antique shop, and it was a tiny book, the size of an iPhone. And it was just the words to a bunch of hymns. And for some reason out of this Upper West Side Jew comes all of this music to these hymn lyrics.

So there were these two stacks of things. And Tina Landau came over one day and said, “What are you working on?” and I said, “Well I’ve got these two stacks of things,” and she listened to a bunch of them and said, “Well, why wouldn’t they work together?” And we realized in some ways that the hymns are who we would have ourselves be, and the myths are basically who we are, and that they can kind of antiphonally talk to each other.

What has it been like revisiting this music?

GUETTEL I’ve gone to see a few productions, but I hadn’t listened to it in a long time. I might have had a small case of the usual “Oh my God, I did go on a bit”; “Jesus, that needs help”; “boy, those lyrics are over couplet-y.” There’s stuff that I was a little embarrassed by at first. But I let go of my vanity and let it be what it was. And there’s the honor of being a composer who wrote something 22 years ago that’s getting done again. That’s really what you write for, so that you leave something behind.

SPERLING I imagine every writer feels with more experience that their craft grows. My impression is you have to acknowledge that you were a certain person of a certain age when you wrote a piece and you keep changing, but the piece is a record of who you were then. If you try to monkey with it too much from a later perspective you run the rusk of muddying the waters.

GUETTEL You’re operating on a patient whose anatomy you’re not familiar with anymore.

In this form, “Myths and Hymns” is probably reaching its largest audience yet.

SPERLING We’re at over 50,000 now, which is way more than we would get in a season. We are planning to package it as a single work and re-edit it, and it will be broadcast on PBS.

And with such a starry cast, will there be an album, too?

GUETTEL There are six songs that are not on the Nonesuch record [released in 1999] that no one’s ever heard, except the people who saw it at the Public.

SPERLING And one of them not even that! One of my impulses to do this was that I wanted a more complete recording. People on YouTube have been asking, “Can we please have this as audio?” It would be lovely to have a little more time with it.

Categories
Politics

Rep. Liz Cheney urges Republicans to reject Trump ‘cult of character’

Republican Conference Chair Liz Cheney, R-Wyo., Speaks during a press conference following a House Republican meeting in Washington on Tuesday, April 20, 2021.

Caroline Brehman | CQ Appeal, Inc. | Getty Images

The GOP must “turn away from the dangerous and anti-democratic Trump personality cult,” argued Rep. Liz Cheney, the No. 3 Republican in the house, on Wednesday.

“The Republican Party is at a turning point and Republicans have to choose whether to vote for truth and allegiance to the Constitution,” Cheney wrote in the Washington Post.

The Cheney clear-up call came as a flurry of House Republicans, including Minority Leader Kevin McCarthy and Minority Whip Steve Scalise, saying they are done with serving as Chair of the House Republican Conference.

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But in the statement, Wyoming’s Cheney appeared to be addressing concerns about her status in the party.

“History is watching. Our children are watching. We must be brave enough to defend the fundamental principles that underpin and protect our freedom and our democratic process. I am determined to do so regardless of the short-term political consequences.” Cheney wrote.

Cheney was the only member of the Republican leadership to vote for the impeachment of former President Donald Trump following the January 6th invasion of the Capitol by a crowd of his supporters. Trump “called this mob, gathered the mob and lit the flame of this attack,” Cheney said at the time.

Trump was acquitted in the Senate for instigating a riot.

Since Trump left office, Cheney has set himself apart from many of her Republican counterparts in her willingness to continue speaking out against Trump, who continues to falsely insist on beating President Joe Biden and spreading unsubstantiated conspiracy theories about widespread electoral fraud.

On Tuesday, McCarthy reportedly said of Cheney, “I’ve had it with her. You know, I’ve lost confidence.” A Scalise spokeswoman said the whip had pledged its support to Rep. Elise Stefanik, RN.Y., who emerged as a passionate defender of Trump during his first impeachment.

Trump and other Republicans also supported Stefanik.

Cheney’s comment claimed that it was not enough to simply look away from Trump’s unsubstantiated election claims.

“Trump is trying to unravel critical elements of our constitutional structure that make democracy work – confidence in the outcome of elections and the rule of law. No other American president has ever done this,” Cheney said.

“While accepting or ignoring Trump’s statements may seem attractive to some for fundraising and political causes, this approach will cause profound damage to our party and our country in the long term,” she wrote.

She noted that after the attack on the Capitol, McCarthy said Trump “was responsible” for the attack and “should have denounced the mob as soon as he saw what was going on”.

McCarthy has now “changed his story,” said Cheney.

Cheney rejected Trump’s persistent claims about a “rigged” election that cast doubt on US institutions. “This is immensely harmful as we are now on the world stage against communist China and its claims that democracy is a failed system,” she wrote.

Republicans, Cheney said, should support the Justice Department’s ongoing investigation into the Jan. 6 invasion. More than 400 people are now charged with the attack.

The GOP should also support a “parallel bipartisan review” of the invasion “by a summoning commission to seek and find facts,” she said.

After all, Republicans must “stand up for truly conservative principles and turn away from the dangerous and anti-democratic Trump personality cult,” Cheney said.

Citing the memory of former President Ronald Reagan, a Republican icon, she said he had “formed a broad coalition from across the political spectrum to bring America back to its senses, and we must do the same now”.

“But that will not happen if Republicans choose to abandon the rule of law and join Trump’s crusade to undermine the foundation of our democracy and reverse the legal outcome of the last election,” she said.

Read the full comment The Washington Post.

Categories
Entertainment

Monte Hellman, Cult Director of ‘Two-Lane Blacktop,’ Dies at 91

“We thought it was good advertising,” Hellman said of the Esquire problem in a 1999 Los Angeles Times interview when Two-Lane Blacktop finally made it on video. “In retrospect, we wouldn’t have done it. I think that raised people’s expectations. They couldn’t accept the film for what it was. “

French film critics did, and their enthusiasm spread to the United States. As the 1970s became recognized as the golden age of independent film, the reputation of the film and that of its director rose. In 2005 Cahiers du Cinéma magazine declared it was “one of the greatest American films of the 1970s”.

Monte Himmelbaum was born July 12, 1929 in Greenpoint, Brooklyn, and grew up in Albany, NY, where his father ran a small grocery store. When he was s6 the family moved to Los Angeles.

He studied language and theater at Stanford University, where he directed radio plays, and after graduating in 1951, studied film at the University of California in Los Angeles. Around this time he changed his last name.

In 1952, Mr. Hellman helped found the Stumptown Players, a summer theater company, in Guerneville, California. Carol Burnett was a member. He has directed numerous productions and appeared as an actor when necessary.

His first marriage was to one of the theater’s actresses, Barboura Morris. The marriage ended in divorce. He was married three more times, said his daughter. In addition to his daughter, he is survived by a son, Jared, and a brother, Herb.

Categories
World News

In Myanmar, a Cult of Persona Meets Its Downfall

BANGKOK – When an election landslide led the National League for Democracy to a position of power in Myanmar for the first time, the party was given a robust mandate to pull the country out of the grip of the army after decades of ruthless military rule.

The challenge was to find a way to continue his agenda without inciting retaliation from the military. Under the country’s military-drafted constitution, the party had to share power with the army that once imprisoned many of its leaders.

It pushed hard on its primary goal – to strengthen the power of its unique leader, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. In other respects it was in step with the military and left many of its repressive laws in place. But it also lived in fear, and the party acted cautiously after a key legal adviser was murdered.

For the National League for Democracy (NLD), one fundamental truth could not escape: the generals always had the upper hand. They handled it boldly on Monday and regained full power in a coup d’état.

“It has always depended on the goodwill of a single person, the commander in chief, not to use force to achieve its goal,” said Richard Horsey, a political analyst in Yangon, Myanmar’s largest city. “The National League for Democracy always believed that a coup was about to happen, even if it wasn’t. This time it was. “

The commander in chief, Maj. Gen. Min Aung Hlaing, claimed the November elections were fraudulent, declared a state of emergency on Monday, asserted himself as the nation’s leader and imprisoned Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi and other civilian leaders.

For the military known as the Tatmadaw, the final straw seems to have been the one-sided outcome of that election, which led the NLD to an even greater victory than the one that first brought them to power in 2015’s crushing defeat.

Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi, who was under house arrest for 15 years during the previous era of military rule, now faces a possible prison sentence for illegally importing walkie-talkies. The country has appeared largely peaceful in the days since the coup, despite a government ministry ordering Facebook to be blocked until Sunday.

The NLD, which began as a broad-based anti-military movement, became a vehicle for the ambitions of one woman: Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi.

The NLD was co-founded by Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi in 1988 during a wave of pro-democracy protests that helped make it known around the world and was awarded a Nobel Peace Prize three years later. With her at its head, the party united a broad coalition, from leftists to ex-military officers, that opposed the dominance of the army.

While the word “democracy” remains part of his name and origins, the party has been less than a beacon of democratic values ​​for years.

In the November elections, the party-appointed electoral commission banned millions of people of different ethnicities, including persecuted Rohingya Muslims, from the ballot box.

Over the years, Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi built the NLD in her own image. Critics called it a personality cult. Often criticized for her stubbornness and authoritative style, she has kept the party firmly under her command and is known for demanding loyalty and obedience from its supporters.

Initially, the party’s top-down structure was based on its need to survive under military rule as many of its leaders were picked up and sentenced to long prison terms. The allegations were obscure at times – like a bodyguard’s briefing in martial arts – but the effect was no less severe.

“The rigid nature of the NLD was forged by military persecution,” said David Scott Mathieson, a longtime Myanmar analyst. “They could only trust each other.”

This strict hierarchy also reflected the party’s military legacy.

The other four co-founders of the NLD were senior retired military officers, including U Tin Oo, a former commander in chief of Tatmadaw. Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi’s father, General Aung San, was the founder and leader of the nation’s independence movement until he was assassinated in 1947.

While the organization started as a grassroots movement, Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi always showed respect for the institution her father founded, even when her generals imprisoned her.

“She saw it as her destiny to end her father’s business,” said Mr. Horsey. “The NLD was more about Suu Kyi than about being a party.”

In the first days after the party’s 2015 election victory, its leaders were cautious about challenging the military. However, others say they could have done more, such as repealing repressive laws and protecting the rights of activists and ethnic groups.

“They could have done many things while in power,” said Nyo Nyo Thin, a former regional lawmaker. “You could have passed a law to limit the commander-in-chief’s power.”

However, party leaders were concerned that any move to undermine the Tatmadaw’s authority could spark a coup.

“The thought was if you do it too fast, the military has an excuse to come in,” said Myanmar analyst Mathieson. “They’d say, ‘It took us years to get here, we’re not going to screw it up now.'”

When the party formed its first government in 2016, one of its first challenges was circumventing a military constitutional provision that specifically excluded Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi from serving as president.

On the advice of a prominent human rights attorney, U Ko Ni, the party created the post of state advisor, which is not enshrined in the constitution but resembles the head of state. Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi assumed the title of state advisor and promptly declared herself over the president.

“She shared many political instincts with the military,” said Horsey, the Yangon analyst. “There were many things that they agreed on. What challenged her was her firm belief that she should be president. “

Mr. Ko Ni also had a plan to replace the military-drafted constitution with a new version that would deprive the Tatmadaw of its extraordinary powers. But Mr. Ko Ni was shot dead in broad daylight at Yangon Airport in early 2017 while he was holding his grandchild. The plan was postponed.

“This bullet wasn’t just for Ko Ni,” said a colleague at the time, human rights lawyer U Thein Than Oo. “It was for the NLD”

Four men were convicted of the murder, including two former military officers, but it was never proven that the Tatmadaw ordered the murder. An ex-colonel was identified as a mastermind, but he was never arrested.

The attack – and the risk of further violent retaliation – hung like a cloud over relations between the party and the military. The party only presented the military constitutional authority with new challenges last year when it unsuccessfully proposed reducing the military’s seat in parliament.

“The result was that the NLD became much more cautious and they became even more convinced that they were in an existential battle,” said Horsey.

Ultimately, Myanmar’s controversial civil-military partnership disintegrated over the competing desires of two people to become president: the lady and the general.

General Min Aung Hlaing has promised to hold new elections within a year. Many doubt that he will keep his promise. A free election with all participating parties would probably not bring him the desired result.

“The military has two problems,” Horsey said. “Aung San Suu Kyi is incredibly popular and you are incredibly unpopular.”