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Supreme Courtroom takes up main weapons case over proper to hold in public

Media representatives have settled in front of the US Supreme Court building in Washington.

Al Drago | Reuters

The Supreme Court on Monday agreed to hear a major dispute over the second amendment that could determine whether the constitution protects a right to publicly carry arms.

The decision, announced in a resolution, comes after President Joe Biden faces pressure from activists to take action to limit the availability of high-powered weapons amid outcry over mass shootings.

Proponents of increased arms control measures have raised concerns that the country’s highest court, which has a 6-3 majority of Republican candidates, could expand the scope of the second amendment.

The Supreme Court previously ruled that the second amendment protects the individual’s right to carry a weapon in the home for self-defense. Last year it declined to make a substantial decision on its first major case of the second amendment in a decade.

In the case where the court has agreed to hear the New York State Rifle & Pistol Association against Keith Corlett, # 20-843, on Monday, individuals and a state organization are contesting a New York law under which individuals ” Correct Reasons “must be provided in order to obtain authorization to carry a pistol in the open.

Robert Nash and Brendan Koch, the people who brought the suit, both applied for licenses to carry handguns for self-defense and were refused. A district court found that neither man had any reasonable cause for neither facing “special or unique danger” [their] Life.”

A federal appeals court upheld the lower court’s decision not to license the men.

In their appeal, written by former Attorney General Paul Clement, the men argued that New York law was under the precedents of the District of Columbia Supreme Court against Heller ruled in 2008 and McDonald v City of Chicago ruled in 2010 was unconstitutional.

“As this court made clear in both Heller and McDonald’s, the second amendment essentially guarantees the right to keep and carry weapons for self-defense,” wrote Clement. “Like the threats a need for self-defense might create, this individual and fundamental right necessarily extends beyond the four walls of one’s home.”

New York attorney general Letitia James wrote a brief letter to the judges not to admit the case that the New York law was compatible with the Heller and McDonald rulings of the Supreme Court. In McDonald’s, the court wrote that its opinion was not intended to lift certain “long-standing bans” on the use of weapons.

James wrote that New York law has existed in the same essential form since 1913 and “is backed by a centuries-old tradition of state and local measures regulating the public transport of firearms”.

She also wrote, “New York law directly promotes the overriding interests of the state to protect the public from gun violence.”

A decision is expected by summer 2022.

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Politics

Democrats’ Supreme Court docket Growth Plan Attracts Resistance

The proponents of the bill hope to generate more support for a possible overhaul.

Representative Jerrold Nadler, Democrat of New York and chairman of the Justice Committee, said it made sense to enlarge the court given its complex workload and the growth of the federal judicial system since the composition of the Supreme Court last changed in 1869, no the Constitution, and it was amended several times in the nation’s early days.

“Nine judges in the 19th century, when there were only nine cycles, and many of our most important federal laws may have made sense – from civil rights to antitrust, internet, financial regulation, health care, immigration to employee crime – just didn’t exist and didn’t require a decision by the Supreme Court, ”said Nadler, another sponsor of the bill. “But the logic behind only nine judges is much weaker today when there are 13 circuits.”

Republicans immediately attacked the idea, and Senator Mitch McConnell of Kentucky, the minority leader, called it a “crazy” bill and found that even liberal members of the court opposed the idea.

“By the way, the public agrees,” he said in the Senate. “You see through this discredited concept.”

Senator Lindsey Graham, Republican from South Carolina and senior judicial committee member, called it a “terrible idea”.

“If this succeeds, it will inevitably result in the number of Supreme Court justices changing every time power shifts,” he said.

Republican politicians were quick to criticize the proposal to expand the court, which also appeared in the Senate in 2020, signaling that the party would try to use the issue to portray Democrats as radical even if the legislation fails.

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Politics

Supreme Courtroom erases ruling in opposition to Trump over his Twitter account

President Donald Trump uses a cell phone during a small business reopening panel discussion in the State Dining Room of the White House in Washington, the United States, on June 18, 2020.

Leah Millis | Reuters

The Supreme Court on Monday overturned a federal appeals court ruling that former President Donald Trump violated the Constitution by blocking his critics on Twitter.

The judges cleared up the decision of the 2nd US Court of Appeals and sent it back to the lower court with instructions to dismiss the case as “in dispute” or no longer active, as Trump is now a private individual. The lawsuit means that the decision of the lower court no longer binds future judges.

A three-judge panel of the 2nd Circle decided unanimously in 2019 that Trump was acting in his official capacity when he used the block function of Twitter. In this way, the court said, Trump effectively banned people from a public forum, which went against the first amendment.

The announcement on Monday was made in an order list and without a written explanation of the court’s arguments. No disagreements were found.

Judge Clarence Thomas unanimously wrote that he agreed to the decision to overturn the 2nd Circuit Opinion as Trump was no longer in office.

Thomas said the petition highlighted “the main legal difficulty surrounding digital platforms – namely that applying old teachings to new digital platforms is seldom easy”.

“For example, respondents indicate that some aspects of Mr. Trump’s account resemble a constitutionally protected public forum,” Thomas wrote. “But it seems pretty strange to say that something is a government forum when a private company has full authority to get rid of it.”

The lawsuit was filed by people who were blocked by Trump on Twitter and the Knight First Amendment Institute at Columbia University.

It was known as Trump v Knight First Amendment Institute, No. 20-197 until the change in administration, at which point the case automatically became known as Biden v Knight First Amendment Institute.

The Justice Department had originally asked the Supreme Court to overturn the 2nd Circle decision, but asked the judges to dismiss the case as in dispute on January 19, the day before President Joe Biden’s inauguration, because of the change in administration .

The Knight First Amendment Institute agreed that the case was contentious for another reason. The legal group said the case came up for discussion after Twitter kicked Trump off its platform in January following the January 6 attack on the U.S. Capitol.

In a statement, Jameel Jaffer, executive director of the Knight Institute, said the case “is a very simple principle that is fundamental to our democracy: officials cannot exclude people from public forums just because they are with them disagree. “

“While we would have liked the Supreme Court to keep the Second Circle decision on the books, we are pleased that the Court of Appeal’s reasoning has already been adopted by other courts, and we are confident that they will how the public shapes them, will continue to shape them. ” Officials use social media, “said Jaffer.

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Politics

Supreme Courtroom Vacates Ruling on Trump’s Twitter Exercise

The Supreme Court on Monday overturned an appeals court ruling that President Donald J. Trump violated the first amendment by banning people from his Twitter account after posting critical comments.

A unanimous three-person jury from the appeals court ruled in 2019 that Mr Trump’s account was a public forum from which he could not exclude people based on their views.

The Supreme Court move was anticipated as Mr Trump is no longer President and Twitter has permanently banned his account.

More surprising was a 12-page consensus opinion from Justice Clarence Thomas, who pondered the dangerous power some private corporations have over freedom of expression.

“Today’s digital platforms offer opportunities for historically unprecedented amounts of speech, including speech from government actors,” he wrote. “But also unprecedented is the concentrated control over so much language in the hands of a few private parties. We will soon have no choice but to delve into applying our legal teachings to highly concentrated, privately owned information infrastructures such as digital platforms. “

No other judiciary followed suit, and Justice Thomas’ views on the First Amendment can be idiosyncratic. His opinion, however, reflected widespread frustration, particularly among conservatives, of letting private corporations decide what the public can read and see.

The Court of Appeal “feared that then President Trump would break off the speech by using the functions provided by Twitter,” wrote Justice Thomas. “But if the goal is to make sure the language isn’t stifled, the dominant digital platforms themselves must inevitably be the biggest concern.”

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Politics

Supreme Court docket sides with Fb in robocall case

The Supreme Court turned to its grammar books on Thursday to give Facebook a win. It was about whether the internet giant had violated a three-decade-old federal law that curbs abusive telemarketing practices.

In a unanimous decision by Justice Sonia Sotomayor, the court supported a narrow definition of automated dialing systems, which are largely banned under the Telephone Consumer Protection Act of 1991. The 8-0 opinion and an assent written by Justice Samuel Alito contained a lively debate about the benefits of using language textbooks to understand the importance of legal texts.

The case was brought by Noah Duguid, who said he had received login notifications from Facebook on his phone since 2014 and was unable to stop them even though he had never created an account. For about 10 months, Duguid said, he tried unsuccessfully to break free of the messages, text the company and send an email. Duguid said the news continued even after being told “Facebook texts are now off”.

Duguid attempted a class action lawsuit for himself and others exposed to the same alleged abuse. However, Facebook asked a federal district court to dismiss Duguid’s lawsuit, referring to Congress’ definition of automated dialers as systems that “store or produce phone numbers to be called using a random or sequence number generator.”

Given that definition, Facebook argued, Duguid would have to prove that Facebook used a number generator to store or produce its phone number. He couldn’t do that, the company argued, for the simple reason that Facebook didn’t use a number generator at all.

According to Facebook, if the court had accepted Duguid’s argument, it could make using a smartphone to make a normal phone call illegal – given the ability to automatically store and call numbers.

However, Duguid argued that “using a random or sequence number generator” only applies to the production of its number, not the way the company stored it. And he argued that Facebook clearly stored his number.

The district court ruled Facebook and dismissed Duguid’s lawsuit, but the U.S. 9th appeals court overturned that decision in 2019, allowing Duguid’s case to move forward. The appeals court cited a case that it had ruled a year earlier, Marks v Crunch San Diego.

The TCPA defines an automatic telephone dialing system as “a device having the capacity to – (A) store telephone numbers to be stored or called using a random or sequence number generator, and (B) dial such numbers”.

“In Marks, we made it clear that the adverbial phrase ‘using a random or sequence number generator’ only modifies the verb ‘produce’ and not the preceding verb ‘save’,” wrote Judge Mary McKeown.

On appeal, the Supreme Court ruled that this was not entirely correct. Citing the so-called “serial qualification canon”, Sotomayor wrote that the most natural reading of the definition would apply the number generator requirement to both the storage and the production of telephone numbers.

“As several leading papers explain,” wrote Sotomayor, “a qualifying sentence separated by a comma from the antecedents is evidence that the qualifier should apply to all antecedents, not just the one immediately preceding it.”

To illustrate this, Sotomayor looked at a teacher who announced that students are “not allowed to do or review homework intended for a class using online homework help websites”.

“It would be strange to read this rule to prohibit students from doing homework with or without online assistance,” Sotomayor wrote.

Sotomayor cited a number of legal and grammatical heavyweights to support her, including a 2012 book written by the late Judge Antonin Scalia and grammarian Bryan Garner.

“According to conventional grammar rules”[w]If there is a simple, parallel construction that includes all nouns or verbs in a series, “a modifier at the end of the list” usually applies to the entire series, “wrote Sotomayor, citing Reading Law: The Interpretation of Legal Texts. “

Garner was one of the lawyers for Duguid on the case.

In court records, he and other attorneys argued that the Supreme Court should eschew the serial qualification canon in favor of the “distribution phrasing canon” which would apply the modifier to the verbs most appropriate based on context, or to the “last”. preceding canon, “which would apply the modifier to the verb it immediately follows.

Garner also denied Facebook’s claim that the comma in the definition after the word “named” settled the matter.

“The comma prompts the reader to look further back to see what to do with a number generator, but doesn’t tell the reader how far back,” wrote Garner and the other lawyers, including Sergei Lemberg.

Garner declined to comment on the court’s decision.

Alito, largely in agreement with Sotomayor’s opinion, refused to join her. In his approval, he cited the majority’s “strong confidence” in the serial qualification canon, which in his opinion had “played a prominent role in our cases of legal interpretation”.

After all, wrote Alito, grammar rules are not really rules.

“Even grammar, according to Garner, is usually just an attempt to describe the English language as it is actually used,” wrote Alito, citing another book by the author, “The Chicago Guide to Grammar, Usage and Punctuation.” “

Alito wrote that he agreed with Sotomayor’s interpretation of the teacher’s comment, who advised her students not to use homework help websites. However, he wrote that understanding was not based on the syntax of the sentence but on the “general understanding that teachers do not want to forbid students from doing homework”.

He noted what would happen if Teacher used the word “destroy” or “burn” instead of “completely”.

“The concept of using ‘online homework help websites’ to do all of these things would be nonsensical and no reader would interpret the phrase to mean that – even if suggested in the canon for series qualifiers”, he added.

Alito suggested empirically testing the strength of the various canons by analyzing text combinations from English-language databases and examining how people use so-called series modifiers in practice. In the vast majority of cases, he suggested, “the point of the matter” would likely reveal a meaning.

In a footnote, Sotomayor wrote that she agreed with Alito that speech cannons are not inflexible rules. But, she wrote, she disagreed with him insofar as he advocated judges who relied primarily on their own linguistic sense when interpreting ambiguous laws.

“Despite the legislature’s best efforts to write in ‘English prose’, there will inevitably be difficult ambiguities in the legal text,” wrote Sotomayor. “Courts should approach these problems of interpretation methodically, using traditional instruments of legal interpretation to confirm their beliefs about the ‘common understanding’ of words.”

The case is Facebook vs. Noah Duguid, nos. 19-511.

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Business

Supreme Courtroom Appears to be like for Slim Path in Traders’ Swimsuit Towards Goldman Sachs

A split three-judge panel of the appeals court said its decision was based on a presumption based on a 1988 Supreme Court ruling, Basic v. Levinson, was based on the statements. Instead, they could rely on the assumption that all of the key publicly available information about a company is reflected in its share price.

The theory allowed investors to skip a step that is required in ordinary fraud lawsuits: direct evidence that they were relying on the contested statement. This also allowed investors to avoid the requirement of class actions: proof that their claims had enough in common to partner with one another.

Sopan Joshi, a federal government attorney, said it was possible that generic statements might well have relevance in the case discussed Monday, an argument that had been reiterated in the pleadings filed by the pension funds and their supporters.

“Goldman Sachs looked at many financial instruments where conflict was critical both to the company and to the” reputational advantage it enjoyed over its competitors and peers and the industry in general, “he said.” In this case even very general statements about conflicts actually have an impact on prices. “

Mr. Joshi, who did not speak for both sides, added that the government had not given an opinion on whether this analysis was correct and asked the judges to order the appeals court to deal with it.

While all three attorneys agreed that the courts could examine whether general statements could affect stock prices, they differed in what should be done in the case, Goldman Sachs Group v Arkansas Teacher Retirement System, No. 20-222.

Mr. Shanmugam, Goldman’s attorney, said the court should overturn the appeals court’s decision confirming the class. Pension Fund attorney Mr. Goldstein said the judges should uphold the verdict; and Mr. Joshi, the government attorney, said the court should overturn the appeal court’s decision and order it to reconsider the case.

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Politics

Supreme Courtroom considers shareholder swimsuit towards Goldman Sachs

Goldman Sachs shareholders argued in the Supreme Court Monday that they could sue the investment banking giant for its general statements about freedom from conflict of interest.

Shareholders said these statements were proven untrue and artificially raised Goldman’s stock.

The case, which dates back to the bank’s marketing of risky stocks prior to the 2008 financial crisis, could make it difficult for stockholders to bring future class action lawsuits over securities fraud. However, during about two hours of telephoning, the judges signaled that it was unlikely that they would reach a comprehensive decision in favor of both sides.

The case focuses on Goldman’s marketing of a synthetic secured bond called Abacus and other CDOs that has not disclosed that the company or its key customers have heavily bet against the products. Goldman ruled in 2010 with the Securities and Exchange Commission for $ 550 million for fraud related to abacus, the largest penalty a Wall Street bank has ever faced.

Shareholders, including the Arkansas Teacher Retirement System, said they lost billions on news of the SEC investigation that fueled Goldman’s stock price. The case is securities fraud, they argue, because Goldman made false statements such as “Our customers’ interests always come first” and “We have extensive procedures and controls in place to identify and address conflicts of interest.”

To date, the case has not gone beyond the class certification phase, which means shareholders are still struggling to sue together. Goldman has argued that the statements in question were too general to have any bearing on the price of its stock. The US 2nd Court of Appeals rejected this argument in an April statement that was on the side of the shareholders.

The questions raised at the hearing indicated that there may be a majority of the judges willing to overturn the Circuit 2 decision in favor of Goldman’s shareholders, but they are unlikely to contradict much of his reasoning.

The judges noted that the positions of the attorneys who argued for each side appeared to have converged since the court first approved the case. Goldman Sachs attorney, for example, has dropped the bank’s previous position that generic statements can never be the basis of a securities fraud lawsuit.

“It seems to me you are both in the middle,” said Judge Amy Coney Barrett, an appointment from former President Donald Trump, once to Tom Goldstein, attorney for shareholders. Goldstein is a partner at Goldstein & Russell and publisher of SCOTUSBlog.

Judge Stephen Breyer, appointed by former President Bill Clinton, told Sopan Joshi, a Justice Department attorney who made arguments that the case was filled with too much technical jargon.

“This seems like an area that the more I read about it, the less we write about it, the better,” said Breyer. “It’s based on very peripheral issues,” Breyer told Goldstein.

The main controversy was whether the 2nd Circuit, in its decision in favor of Goldman shareholders, might have closed the door to companies that could argue that their statements were generalized in order to thwart class action lawsuits.

The Justice Ministry, which did not speak out in favor of either party, filed a brief in February stating that the 2nd Circle’s decision on this point was ambiguous.

The DOJ asked the judges to overturn the lower court’s decision to clarify that a company could actually argue that what it said was too general to have an impact on its stock price. On the other hand, the agency said that just because a statement is generic does not automatically mean that it cannot affect the stock price.

“The parties seem to be largely in agreement with each other and with us,” Joshi said on this point during the clashes.

Goldstein agreed that the fact that a statement is general should not be excluded from consideration when a court is considering whether to bring a class action lawsuit. However, the statement of the 2nd circuit did not say otherwise, and he asked the court not to reverse the decision of the court of appeal.

In contrast, Goldman’s attorney Kannon Shanmugam argued that the 2nd Circuit statement declined to consider the generic nature of Goldman’s alleged misrepresentation. That was unfair, he argued, as general statements tended to have less influence on stock prices.

“The more general a statement is, the less likely it is that it will contain the kind of information that is in the stock price,” Shanmugam said. “We think that in this case the statements are extremely general.”

Justice Elena Kagan, appointed by former President Barack Obama, suggested that the court could do exactly what the Justice Department asked.

She asked Goldstein, “Why shouldn’t we just evacuate and say, ‘Here’s what the law really is, we want to make sure you do it under the appropriate standard?'”

Goldstein said that reversing the lower court’s opinion would be “somewhat offensive” to the lower court and essentially “literary criticism”. He said the 2nd circuit was clear in a 2018 statement on the same case.

“Both opinions are in front of you,” Goldstein told Justice Brett Kavanaugh, a Trump appointee. Goldstein said the court could clarify the 2nd Circuit opinion while affirming it, rather than reversing it.

“We are in this position where the two of you are closer together and now we have to decide what to do with the opinion of the 2nd Circle,” Barrett said at one point.

The Supreme Court decision is expected in late June.

The case is Goldman Sachs Group v Arkansas Teacher Retirement System, No. 20-222.

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Politics

Supreme Courtroom to resolve whether or not shareholders can sue for fraud

Pavlo Gonchar | LightRocket | Getty Images

The Supreme Court will hear arguments from Goldman Sachs in a longstanding case that could have a material impact on shareholders wishing to bring securities fraud lawsuits.

The arguments are slated to begin Monday at 10 a.m. ET and be broadcast live as the court continues to convene remotely as a precaution against Covid-19.

The case, which dates back to the Great Recession, concerns statements made by the investment bank during the marketing of “Abacus,” an investment known as a synthetic secured bond.

Goldman promoted Abacus to its clients without disclosing that hedge fund manager John Paulson played a role in the selection of its subprime mortgage portfolio. Paulson’s hedge fund Paulson & Co. had put enormous stakes on the failure of Abacus.

After Abacus collapsed in the housing crisis, Paulson made $ 1 billion and Goldman’s clients lost roughly the same amount. Goldman ultimately paid $ 550 million to clear the 2010 Securities and Exchange Commission fraud charges – the largest penalty a Wall Street bank has ever faced. In the settlement, the bank did not admit or deny the allegations.

The shareholders who filed the lawsuit, including the Arkansas Teacher Retirement System and a plumber and pipe fitter pension fund, said they lost up to $ 13 billion when Goldman’s shares fell following the SEC’s fraud investigation.

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Shareholders alleged that Goldman lied in claiming “Integrity and honesty are at the heart of our business” and “Our customers’ interests always come first” even when marketing Abacus and other CDOs it bets against would have.

Those statements, according to shareholders, were making Goldman stock artificially high.

Goldman has argued that the statements cited by shareholders are too vague and general to be the basis of a securities fraud case. The bank has also argued that the statements did not affect the share price.

While many securities fraud cases are based on false comments that cause the stock price to rise, Goldman shareholders instead argue that Goldman’s alleged manipulation was “inflationary maintenance” or prevented the stock from falling. The Supreme Court has never recognized such an argument, although some lower courts have recognized it.

The shareholders, who have been litigation since 2011, are attempting to classify the case on behalf of all Goldman stock buyers between February 2007 and June 2010.

A district court has ruled that shareholders can do so twice, and the US Court of Appeals approved that decision in April.

Goldman called on the Supreme Court to review the 2nd Circuit decision, saying it would be “devastating” for public corporations to abandon them. It has identified the case as the most important securities case to be heard in the Supreme Court since 2014, when judges ruled on a case with oilfield services giant Halliburton.

Goldman attorney Kannon Shanmugam, a partner in law firm Paul, Weiss, wrote in court records that a loss to the bank would mean shareholders filing future securities fraud lawsuits would be able to cite “boilerplate aspirations.” that almost all businesses do. “

In a letter from a court friend, the Society for Corporate Governance wrote that the 2nd Circuit statement could have a dissuasive effect on companies seeking statements promoting diversity or countering harassment in the workplace.

The decision gives “a financial incentive to companies to remain silent on important social issues for fear that even general or ambitious statements will become the basis of allegations of crippling liability for securities fraud,” wrote Jeremy Marwell, the group’s attorney and a partner at the Vinson & Elkins company.

Financial transparency groups, on the other hand, have argued that Goldman should be held accountable.

Stephen Hall, legal director at Better Markets, who filed a brief in support of shareholders, said Goldman’s argument was “strained.”

“As we explain in the letter, the bank’s top executives knew well before the ABACUS deal that they were increasingly doing business that created strong conflicts of interest, and they also knew they needed to better manage those conflicts,” said Hall in a statement.

“Such good intentions, however, along with honest statements, were completely abandoned when the bank aggressively attempted to capitalize on the downward mortgage market at the expense of investors and ultimately shareholders in 2007,” he added.

Barbara Roper, director of investor protection for the Consumer Federation of America, said a win for Goldman would “unleash companies and introduce a wide range of misleading behaviors that could seriously harm US investors.”

The Justice Department filed a brief under President Joe Biden in February saying it did not support either party.

In the letter, the DOJ asked the judges to reverse the opinion of the 2nd Circuit and order the appeals court to re-examine the case, while giving greater consideration to Goldman’s argument that his statements were too general to affect the stock price.

Shanmugam will represent Goldman in Monday’s arguments. Shareholders will be represented by Tom Goldstein, a seasoned Supreme Court attorney known for publishing SCOTUSBlog. Sopan Joshi, a Justice Department attorney, will represent the United States.

A decision in this case is expected by the summer.

The case is Goldman Sachs Group v Arkansas Teacher Retirement System, No. 20-222.

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Business

Court docket Dismisses Trump Marketing campaign’s Defamation Swimsuit In opposition to New York Instances

A New York state court on Tuesday dismissed a defamation suit filed in Donald J. Trump’s re-election campaign against the New York Times Company and ruled that an opinion piece argued that there was “consideration” between The candidate and he gave Russian officials before the 2016 presidential election were speech protected.

The Times published in March 2019 the op-ed of Max Frankel, a former Times editor-in-chief who was not named as a defendant in the lawsuit, under the headline “The Real Trump-Russia Quid Pro Quo.” Mr. Frankel alleged that in an “overarching deal” ahead of the 2016 election, Russian officials would help Mr. Trump defeat Hillary Clinton in exchange for turning US foreign policy in a pro-Russian direction.

Mr. Trump’s re-election campaign, Donald J. Trump for President Inc., filed the lawsuit in the New York State Supreme Court in February 2020. He alleged defamation and accused The Times of “extreme bias and hostility” towards the campaign.

In his ruling on Tuesday, Judge James E. d’Auguste gave three reasons for the dismissal. He wrote that Mr. Frankel’s comment was an “unworkable opinion,” meaning that it was a constitutionally protected speech. that the Trump campaign was not entitled to slander charges; and that the campaign had failed to show that The Times had published the essay with “actual malice”.

“The court today clarified a fundamental point about press freedom: we should not tolerate defamation lawsuits filed by those in power to silence and intimidate those who are investigating them,” David McCraw, the Times’ deputy general counsel, said in one Explanation .

A spokesman for Mr Trump did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

The Times had filed a motion to dismiss the case and impose sanctions on the campaign. The judge refused to impose sanctions.

The Times was a frequent target of Mr. Trump’s attacks on the press during his four-year tenure. Prior to the lawsuit, he accused the newspaper of “treason” and often threatened to take news organizations to justice. Last year the Trump campaign did well the threats, filing defamation lawsuits against The Times, CNN and The Washington Post. In November, a federal judge dismissed CNN’s lawsuit. The postal lawsuit is still pending.

In all three actions was Trump campaign attorney Charles J. Harder, who represented Terry G. Bollea, the former professional wrestler named Hulk Hogan, when he sued Gawker Media in 2012 for posting a sex video. That lawsuit, secretly funded by conservative tech investor Peter Thiel, resulted in a $ 140 million decision that resulted in the bankruptcy and sale of Gawker Media.

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World News

Israeli Courtroom Says Converts to Non-Orthodox Judaism Can Declare Citizenship

JERUSALEM – The question of who is Jewish and who is not has always been the subject of debate in Israel. Since the state’s inception, the government has largely turned to the Orthodox Jewish authorities, who do not consider converts to more liberal forms of Judaism to be Jewish.

But on Monday the Israeli Supreme Court struck a symbolic blow for a more pluralistic vision of Jewish identity: it granted foreigners converted to conservative, also known as Masorti or Reform Judaism, rights to automatic citizenship within the State of Israel.

The decision was mostly symbolic, as typically only 30 or 40 foreigners in Israel convert to Reform or Masorti Judaism each year, according to the Israel Religious Action Center, the rights group that led efforts to obtain the court verdict.

But the ruling has disregarded some of the monopoly Orthodox rabbis over issues of religious identity that are central to frictions in Israeli society. It also ignites a long-running debate about the relationship between the civil and religious authorities of Israel – and particularly the role of the Supreme Court.

Israeli law has presented the court as a bastion of the country’s secular and liberal elite, acting without democratic legitimacy. And although the court delayed the decision in this case for years in the hopes that parliament would vote on it instead, the court’s critics made political capital out of the decision as early as Monday evening.

Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s party, a regular opponent of the Israeli courts on charges of corruption, quickly cited the decision as a reason to vote for the party and “ensure a stable right-wing government that will restore the sovereignty of the people.” . “

Israel’s “Law of Return” gives foreign-born Jews or anyone with Jewish parents, grandparents, or spouses the automatic right to claim Israeli citizenship. Those who convert to non-Orthodox Judaism in another country have been able to obtain Israeli citizenship for decades.

Despite the small number, the court’s decision made a big difference to the activists and plaintiffs who first brought the case to the Supreme Court in 2005 and to the Orthodox authorities who opposed them.

“It’s a tremendous sense of relief, gratitude and satisfaction,” said Anat Hoffman, the executive director of the Israel Religious Action Center. “This judgment really opens the gates for Israel to have more than one way to be Jewish.”

One of Israel’s two chief rabbis, Yitzhak Yosef, called it a “deeply regrettable decision” and said conversions to reform and conservative communities were “nothing but fake Judaism”.

“Public officials are expected to work quickly to correct this legislation,” he said, “and the sooner they do so, the better.”

The news is particularly sensitive ahead of next month’s general election, Israel’s fourth in two years. The struggle between the secular and religious communities of Israel was a key feature of the pandemic and a source of debate in the election campaign, as was the role of the Supreme Court.

“It’s a big deal because there has been a dead end on this matter for 15 years,” said Ofer Zalzberg, director of the Middle East program at the Herbert C. Kelman Institute, a Jerusalem-based research group. “And it comes just a month before an election, so it’s dramatically politicized and touches people in visceral places: Who are we? What is our identity And what are our freedoms? “

Mr. Zalzberg said: “This has already sparked a backlash in a large constituency that denies the court’s right to make decisions about what the Jewish collective identity is about.”

There are still restrictions on the marriage of non-Orthodox converts to Judaism as this area is controlled by the Chief Rabbinate of Israel, which does not recognize Reformed or Conservative Judaism. There is no civil marriage in Israel.

For non-Orthodox Jews, however, the Supreme Court decision was a moment of qualified relief – both within Israel and within the Diaspora.

“It affirms that Israel is a home for all Jews,” said Rabbi Jacob Blumenthal, the joint head of an international association of rabbis practicing Conservative Judaism, the United Synagogue of Conservative Judaism. “The ruling is an important step in ensuring freedom of religion in Israel and recognizing the diversity of the Jewish people and practices in Israel and around the world.”

Within Israel, the vast majority of Jews are either Orthodox or secular, but liberal rabbis said the number of non-Jews seeking conversion to more liberal currents of Judaism had already increased.

Rabbi Gregory Kotler, a reformist rabbi in Haifa, northern Israel, said he had received around 20 new inquiries in a matter of hours.

“I almost didn’t want to answer your call,” he said with a laugh, “because I thought it was someone else asking for conversion.”

The Israel Religious Action Center stressed that any new potential convert would go through a rigorous conversion process that would take two or three years.

Orthodox critics “will say we are Jewish lite, they will say terrible things about our conversion,” said Ms. Hoffman. “But it’s not true. We demand that they become part of our communities. “

Gabby Sobelman and Isabel Kershner reported from Jerusalem and Elizabeth Dias from Washington.