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Myanmar Troopers, Aiming to Silence Coup Protests, Goal Journalists

Ten days after taking power in Myanmar, the generals issued their first order to journalists: stop using the words “coup”, “regime” and “junta” to describe the military takeover. Few reporters observed Orwell’s policy, and the junta pursued a new goal – the suppression of all freedom of expression.

Since then, the regime has arrested at least 56 journalists, banned online news outlets known for their harsh reporting, and disrupted communications by shutting down the mobile data service. Three photojournalists were shot and wounded while taking photos of the anti-coup demonstrations.

Under pressure from professional journalists, many young people who have come of age during a decade of social media and information sharing in Myanmar have come into battle, called themselves citizen journalists, and risked their lives to document the brutality of the military. They take photos and videos with their phones and share them online when they are given access. It is a role that is so common today that they are simply referred to as “CJs”.

“They are aimed at professional journalists so that our country needs more CJs,” said Ma Thuzar Myat, one of the citizen journalists. “I know that at some point I could be killed for videotaping what was happening. But I will not resign. “

Ms. Thuzar Myat, 21, noted that few people were able to document the protests in 1988 when the Tatmadaw, as the military is known, exterminated a pro-democracy movement by massacring an estimated 3,000 people. She said she saw it as her duty to gather evidence of today’s violence, even though a soldier had already threatened to kill her if it didn’t stop.

The regime’s obvious goal is to set the clock back to a time when the military ruled the country, the media was tight, and only the richest people had access to cell phones and the internet. But the new generation of young people who grew up with the internet say they are not giving up their freedoms without a fight.

“What we are seeing is a widespread attack on the centers of democracy and freedom,” said U Swe Win, co-founder and editor-in-chief of Myanmar Now, one of the banned outlets. “We are very concerned that Myanmar will become North Korea. They will destroy all forms of information gathering and sharing. “

The Tatmadaw has a history of suppressing the opposition. When it took control in 1962, it ruled for nearly half a century before it decided to share power with elected civilian leaders and open the country to the outside world.

In 2012, under a new quasi-civil government, inexpensive cell phones poured in and Facebook became the dominant online forum. Vibrant media sprouted online and competing newspapers flocked to newsstands.

Protests have broken out almost every day since the February 1 coup – often led by young people – and a broad civil disobedience movement has brought the economy to a virtual standstill. In response, soldiers and police killed at least 536 people.

At the United Nations on Wednesday, the special envoy for Myanmar, Christine Schraner Burgener warned that “a bloodbath is imminent”. The regime has arrested thousands, including the country’s civilian leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. On Thursday, one of her lawyers said she was charged with violating the Official Secrets Act and added a list of suspected crimes.

While the UN Security Council has not punished the military in Myanmar, it has spoken increasingly negatively about the repression. In a statement released Thursday evening, the Council expressed “deep concern about the rapidly deteriorating situation and strongly condemned the use of force against peaceful demonstrators and the deaths of hundreds of civilians, including women and children”.

While the military uses state media to spread its propaganda and fire warnings, attacks on journalists and arrests have increased dramatically in recent weeks.

In order not to be targeted, journalists have stopped wearing helmets or vests with the word “PRESS” on them and have tried to adapt to the demonstrators. Many also go quietly by not receiving credit for their published work and avoiding sleeping in their own four walls. Even so, their professional cameras can give them away.

At the same time, soldiers and police routinely search civilians’ phones for protest photos or videos.

“If you get arrested with video clips, you can go to jail,” said U Myint Kyaw, secretary of the Myanmar Press Council, an independent advocacy group for the news media, before he and most of the others stopped the panel in protest in February.

At a recent press conference, a junta spokesman said it was up to journalists to avoid behavior that could be construed as violating the law.

“Only the action of the journalist himself can guarantee that they will not be arrested,” said Brig. Gen. Zaw Min Tun spokesman. “If their actions are against the law, they will be arrested.” All three journalists shot and wounded claim to have been attacked by security forces.

Freelance journalist Ko Htet Myat Thu, 24, photographed protests in Kyaikto, a city in southern Myanmar, as a soldier on Saturday shot him in the leg, he said. A video of his arrest, recorded by a citizen journalist from a nearby building, shows soldiers beating him and forcing him to jump on his good leg as they lead him away.

Another photojournalist, U Si Thu, 36, who was shot that day, was hit in his left hand while holding his camera in front of his face and photographing soldiers in Mandalay, the country’s second largest city. He said he believed the soldier who shot him aimed at his head.

“I had two cameras,” he said, “ “So it was obvious that I am a photojournalist, even though I had neither a press helmet nor a vest.”

“I am sure the military junta will target journalists because they know we are showing the world the realities and they want to stop us by arresting or killing us,” he added.

Half of the 56 journalists arrested have been released, according to a group tracking arrests. Those released included reporters for The Associated Press and the BBC.

However, 28 remain in custody, including at least 15 people sentenced to up to three years’ imprisonment under an unusual law prohibiting the dissemination of information that could induce military officers to neglect or fail to perform their duties.

Ma Kay Zon Nway, 27, a reporter for Myanmar Now, televised her own arrest in late February while escaping from police in Yangon, Myanmar’s largest city. Your video shows the police shooting into the air as the demonstrators flee. The sound of their labored breathing can be heard as the police catch up with them and take them away.

She is among those charged under the vague and comprehensive law. She was only allowed to meet her lawyer in person once.

Mr. Swe Win, the editor of Myanmar Now, was imprisoned for seven years in 1998 for protesting. “All of these legal proceedings are being conducted for formality reasons,” he said, adding, “We cannot expect fair treatment. ”

With mobile communications blocked, Facebook bans and nightly internet shutdowns, Myanmar’s mainstream media rely on citizen journalists for videos and news tips, said Myint Kyaw, the former press council secretary.

One of them, Ko Aung Aung Kyaw, 26, was videotaping the police arresting people in his neighborhood in Yangon when an officer spotted him. The officer cursed him Aimed his rifle and fired, Mr. Aung Aung Kyaw’s video shows.

The bullet hit a wall in front of him.

“I know that recording such things is very risky and I may be shot or arrested,” he said. “But I think I have to keep doing it, to have evidence, to punish her.”

Rick Gladstone contributed to the coverage from New York.

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World News

Dozens Gunned Down in One in every of Myanmar’s Bloodiest Days Since Coup

At a military parade on Saturday, the general, who led the overthrow of the civilian government in Myanmar last month, said the army was determined to “protect people from all dangers”.

Before the day was over, security forces under his command had shot dead a 5-year-old boy, two 13-year-old boys and a 14-year-old girl. A little girl in Yangon, Myanmar’s largest city, was hit in the eye with a rubber bullet, even though her parents said she was likely to be alive.

The children killed were among the dozen of people killed on Saturday as security forces cracked down on protests across Myanmar. This appeared to be one of the deadliest days since the February 1 coup led by Major General Min Aung Hlaing, the commander of the Tatmadaw, as the military is known. A news agency, Myanmar Now, put the death toll at 80 on Saturday.

“Today is a day of shame for the armed forces,” said Dr. Sasa, a spokesman for a group of elected officials who say they represent the Myanmar government, in a statement.

The killings took place on Armed Forces Day, a holiday in honor of the Tatmadaw that gave rise to General Min Aung Hlaing’s speech in the capital, Naypyidaw.

The general promised to pave the way for democracy despite rejecting the results of the November 8 elections and arresting many of those elected to parliament that day. He reiterated his promise to hold new elections but did not offer a schedule.

More than 3,000 people arrested by the military since the coup include the fallen civilian leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and President U Win Myint. Your party, the National League for Democracy, won a landslide in November.

In his speech to the assembled troops, which was broadcast on national television, General Min Aung Hlaing stated that the Tatmadaw was founded by General Aung San, a national hero. He did not mention that the general was Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi’s father.

The Armed Forces Day ceremony, a highlight of the year for the Tatmadaw, is usually attended by a large number of foreign diplomats. This year there were fewer representing China and several other neighboring countries.

Also present was Russia’s Deputy Defense Minister Alexander Fomin, who was honored by General Min Aung Hlaing for his praise. On Friday the general gave Mr. Fomin a medal and a ceremonial sword.

Russia has been a major arms supplier to the Myanmar military and, as a permanent member of the United Nations Security Council, can be trusted to work with China to block any attempt by the international body to impose sanctions on Myanmar.

The United States said Thursday that it is imposing its own financial sanctions on two military conglomerates that control much of Myanmar’s economy.

On Saturday, US Ambassador to Myanmar Thomas Vajda said security forces “murdered unarmed civilians, including children,” and called the bloodshed “terrible”.

The U.S. embassy said shots were fired on Saturday at their Yangon cultural center, the American Center. The embassy said no one was injured and that it was investigating.

In an apparent blow to the military on their vacation, the ethnic rebel group known as the Karen National Union said on Facebook that they had overrun and seized a Tatmadaw camp. The group posted photos of weapons it allegedly confiscated, including what appeared to be machine guns and rocket-propelled grenades.

The Tatmadaw has fought with various ethnic groups in Myanmar, including the Karen, for decades. Some opposition leaders hope that urban protesters, mostly from the majority of the Bamar ethnic groups, can form a coalition with the ethnic groups to resist the Tatmadaw.

The widespread murders on Saturday came a day after military-run television threatened protesters “shot in the back and in the back of the head” if they continued to oppose military rule.

About a quarter of those killed before Saturday were shot in the head, according to the Assistance Association of Political Prisoners, which has tracked arrests and killings since the coup.

Saturday’s killings took place in more than two dozen cities across the country. Many of the victims were spectators.

14-year-old Ma Pan Ei Phyu was at home in Meiktila, a city in central Myanmar, when the security forces accidentally started shooting in the neighborhood, said her father U Min Min Tun. that she had been killed until she fell to the ground. She had been hit in the chest.

In Yangon, 13-year-old Maung Wai Yan Tun was playing outside when the police and soldiers arrived. Frightened, he ran away and was shot, his mother told the online news agency Mizzima. The family went to retrieve his body, but when they found him surrounded by security guards, they did not dare go near.

One of the bloodiest incidents occurred in Yangon’s Dala Township. Police arrested two demonstrators at their home on Friday afternoon.

Soon after, neighbors gathered in front of the police station and requested her release. Police responded by firing rubber bullets and stunning grenades at the crowd, a witness said.

Residents withdrew but returned to the police station after midnight. This time the security forces opened fire with live ammunition after a long break. At least 10 people were killed and 40 injured.

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Politics

U.S. sanctions firms that again Myanmar navy following coup

Myanmar’s military checkpoint can be seen en route to the convention site in Naypyitaw, Myanmar, on February 1, 2021.

Stringer | Reuters

The Treasury Department has imposed new sanctions on holding companies that provide financial support to the Myanmar military.

The sanctions come after increased efforts by the Myanmar military to isolate its citizens and suppress their desire to protest last month’s coup that overthrew the democratically elected government and arrested its leaders.

The sanctioned companies Myanmar Economic Holdings Ltd. and Myanmar Economic Corporation Ltd. support the military in various ways.

Pursuant to Executive Order 14014, “all assets and ownership interests of the above companies (MEH, MEC) that are located in the United States or are owned or controlled by US persons are frozen”, essentially all related transactions with the company prohibits the aforementioned companies.

Myanmar Economic Holdings (MEH) has business interests ranging from banking, construction and mining to agriculture, tobacco and food. The Treasury Department said that “MEH’s shareholder data shows that profits are systematically distributed to the Burmese military, including those responsible for widespread human rights abuses.”

Myanmar Economic Corporation Ltd. (MEC) has business relationships with the telecommunications sector “as well as with companies that provide the military with natural resources and operate factories that manufacture goods for the military,” the same press release said.

The US is co-imposing the latest sanctions with the UK, which is expected to announce similar measures against MEH on Thursday, the State Department said in a memo.

“These sanctions specifically target the economic resources of the Burmese military regime, which is responsible for the overthrow of the democratically elected government in Burma and the continued oppression of the Burmese people,” the memo said.

Leaders from the US, India, Australia and Japan, among others, have vowed to restore democracy in Myanmar. The US has also urged China to use its influence over Myanmar to force the military to restore civilian rule.

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Politics

U.S. imposes extra sanctions on Myanmar, calls on China to assist finish coup

Police are running towards protesters to disperse a demonstration against the military coup in Yangon on March 3, 2021.

STR | AFP | Getty Images

The United States imposed trade sanctions on the military regime in Myanmar Thursday, a day after security forces killed dozens of people on the deadliest day of violence since a coup last month ousted civilian leaders and sparked nationwide protests.

The Ministry of Commerce imposes export controls on the Myanmar Ministry of Defense and Home Affairs and two companies closely related to the military – Myanmar Economic Corporation and Myanmar Economic Holding Limited. Myanmar is now also subject to trade restrictions on certain sensitive items destined for military use.

“The trade is examining possible additional measures that are justified by the actions of the military,” warned the department in a press release on Thursday afternoon. “The US government will continue to hold the perpetrators of the coup responsible for their actions.”

According to the United Nations, security forces in Myanmar killed at least 38 protesters on Wednesday. The violence is part of a campaign by the military to crush nationwide demonstrations calling for the release of civilian leaders who were ousted from power and imprisoned on February 1.

Myanmar nationals hold a candlelight vigil outside the United Nations to commemorate anti-coup protesters killed in Myanmar, Bangkok, Thailand on March 4, 2021.

Lauren DeCicca | Getty Images News | Getty Images

The Myanmar authorities have also approached members of the press reporting on the protests. Associate press journalist Thein Zaw and five other media representatives were arrested and charged with violating a public order law earlier this week.

State Department spokesman Ned Price urged the regime to exercise “maximum restraint” and warned the military that the US would take further action to hold it accountable for the detention of journalists and violence against demonstrators.

“This recent escalation of violence shows that the juntas are totally disregarding their own people,” Price said at a press conference Thursday.

“As I said, we will continue to work with the international community to take meaningful action against those responsible. The United States will take additional measures,” Price said before Commerce announced the new trade sanctions.

Myanmar nationals hold a candlelight vigil outside the United Nations to commemorate anti-coup protesters killed in Myanmar, Bangkok, Thailand on March 4, 2021.

Lauren DeCicca | Getty Images News | Getty Images

President Joe Biden issued executive orders last month imposing sanctions on the military leaders who led the coup. The New York Federal Reserve blocked an attempt by the country’s military to move $ 1 billion in funds days after it came to power, according to a Reuters report.

The Foreign Ministry on Thursday again urged China to use its influence in Myanmar to help restore civilian rule to the country. US and Chinese officials have spoken several times about the situation in Myanmar since the February 1 coup, Price said.

“We have urged the Chinese to play a constructive role in using their influence on the Burmese military to end this coup,” Price said.

China, which has close ties with Myanmar, last month prevented the United Nations Security Council from issuing a statement condemning the coup.

Burmese activists have said they are determined to continue participating in protests in support of democracy despite the violence.

“We know that we can always be shot with sharp bullets, but there is no point in staying alive under the junta. That’s why we choose this dangerous route to escape,” activist Maung Saungkha told Reuters.

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Fb Bans Myanmar Army Accounts in Aftermath of Coup

SAN FRANCISCO – Facebook announced Wednesday that it banned Myanmar’s militarily and militarily controlled state and media units from its platforms weeks after the military toppled the country’s fragile democratic government.

The move plunged the social network directly into Myanmar’s post-coup politics – and left no question unanswered that it was picking sides in a heated political struggle.

After years of criticism of how the Myanmar military used the website, Facebook acted, among other things, to incite hatred against the country’s mostly Muslim Rohingya minority. Since the coup earlier this month that toppled civilian leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and returned Myanmar to full military rule, the military has repeatedly shut down the internet and blocked access to major social media sites, including Facebook.

The social network went offline a few days ago on the main news site of the Myanmar military and another site on the state television channel. Official reports by high-ranking military leaders in Myanmar linked to the violence in Rohingya in 2018 were also deleted. However, many other sites related to the military were still online.

Now Facebook has taken further measures to make it clear that it is making a political judgment. In a statement, the company said it banned “remaining” accounts related to the military because the coup was “an emergency”.

“Events since the February 1 coup, including deadly violence, have sparked the need for this ban,” the company said. The risk of leaving the Myanmar military on Facebook and Instagram is “too great”. It was said that the military was banned indefinitely.

The action underscores the difficulty Facebook is facing in terms of what it allows on its website. Mark Zuckerberg, the CEO of Facebook, has long advocated freedom of speech and merely positions the website as a platform and technology service that does not stand in the way of government or social disputes.

But Mr Zuckerberg has been increasingly scrutinized by lawmakers, regulators and users for this attitude and for allowing hate speech, misinformation and content that incites violence on Facebook.

Over time, Facebook has become more active, which is published on its platform, especially last year with the US election. Last year it hit pages and posts on the QAnon conspiracy theory movement. And last month, Facebook banned then-President Donald J. Trump from using the service for at least the remainder of his tenure after urging his supporters to oppose the election results, sparking a riot in the U.S. Capitol. Mr. Trump still cannot post on Facebook.

Critics have said that many of these steps were too little, too late.

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In Myanmar Coup, Paint, Poems and Protest Artwork Equals Defiance

For most of the nights since a coup returned Myanmar to military rule on February 1, a spectral symbol of protest has shone on a moldy side of a building.

Where the next lighting will appear in Yangon, the country’s largest city, is a mystery. But suddenly a projected image appears in the dark. Three fingers raised in rebellion. A dove of peace. The smiling face of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, whose government was overthrown in the military coup.

The projections are from a filmmaker who wishes to remain anonymous while the military hunt down those who dare to oppose it.

Armed with brushes, poems and protest anthems, the creative classes give Myanmar’s mass uprising an imaginative oomph and rebellious spirit that surprised the military generals.

During the daily street rallies in the country’s big cities, the atmosphere often feels like a cultural carnival. Graffiti artists have sprayed messages about Major General Min Aung Hlaing, the army chief who orchestrated the coup. Poets have declaimed in angry verses. A cartoonists’ union marched with hand-drawn characters. Street dancers whirled around with devotion.

On Wednesday, hundreds of thousands of people gathered in a central district at the largest single rally since the street protests began in Yangon, holding up posters and signs designed for the Instagram generation.

“When we look at the history of the resistance in Myanmar, we have been quite aggressive and confrontational with that history of bloodshed,” said Ko Kyaw Nanda, a graphic designer whose protest art contrasts green pig heads (the army) with ruby ​​heels (Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi). “With this new approach, it can be less risky for people and more people can join.”

Myanmar’s military, which has ruled the nation for the most part for the past six decades, has detained more than 450 people since the coup, according to a group that persecutes political prisoners. The new regime has drastically curtailed civil liberties and its long history of forcible suppression of disagreements continues. Security forces have shot and beaten anti-coup protesters, but the weapons of dictatorship have not stopped peaceful protesters from relying on humorous memes and protest art to get them through.

“If the young people are on the street, why can’t I be?” said Daw Nu Nu Win, a retired official, who carried a laminated sign with Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi’s face at the rally on Wednesday. “I want the whole nation not to be under the dictatorship.”

Online art collectives made their designs for free so protesters could print them out for signs, stickers or t-shirts. One of the most popular pieces shows a collection of hands arranged in a three-finger salute from “The Hunger Games” films. Each hand was drawn by a different artist, a mosaic of defiance.

As she watched the protests grow, a freelance graphic designer known by the stage name Kuecool decided that she wanted to make a contribution. Even though she had illustrated a book on feminism, she hadn’t viewed herself as overtly political during her years at a PR agency.

She was shocked by the overthrow of the elected government by the military, which she did not like to see. She began to draw into the night.

One of her images is often used in the protest movement today: a young woman in a traditional sarong swinging a wok and a spatula. The background is purple, the characteristic color of the National League for Democracy, which was excluded from the government despite two landslide election victories.

Every evening at 8 p.m., cities across Myanmar have teamed up with the noise of people beating pots, pans, woks and anything else that causes a stir. The goal is to fend off the devil, and it is also during this period that the art of projection appears, adding visual elements to the noise of discontent.

Myanmar’s military rulers have long seen the arts as a threat, imprisoning poets, actors, painters and rappers. Among the dozen of people caught alongside Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi in the first raids of the coup before dawn included a filmmaker, two writers and a reggae singer. A graffiti artist whose protest tags have enlivened Yangon for the past two weeks said he was on the run from the police. Two poets were like that. Arrest warrants were issued for actors, directors and a singer on Wednesday.

Ko Zayar Thaw was a member of Generation Wave, a hip-hop collective that challenged the former ruling junta with clever text. After spending five years in prison for activism, he joined the National League for Democracy when it ran a by-election in 2012. Mr. Zayar Thaw won a parliamentary seat in what was once considered a military stronghold and settled down with tons of parliamentary paperwork thinking he had left his days of artistic protest behind.

“Hip-hop artists already have a culture of revolution, so our generation protested with songs,” he said. “Now all kinds of artists are involved because they don’t want to lose the value of democracy.”

The artistic ferment in Myanmar today has relied on other regional protest movements. During their month-long disagreement in Hong Kong, young protesters enlivened their rallies with cute cartoons and brightly colored walls of sticky notes reminiscent of the so-called Lennon Wall in Prague, where art and messages of dissent against communism proliferated. Motivated by a previous incarnation of the opposition, the demonstrators in Hong Kong popularized the use of the yellow umbrella against water cannons and turned it into a powerful meme.

In return, the Hong Kong democracy movement has spurred pro-democracy protesters in Thailand who held mass rallies for months over the past year. Encouraged by the capricious power in Hong Kong, Thai protesters who defended a prime minister who led a military coup in 2014 used inflatable rubber duck rafts to repel water cannons. They popularized the use of the greeting “The Hunger Games,” which Thailand’s former junta initially tried to ban with their states of emergency. (Nobody really listened.)

A few days after the coup in Myanmar, doctors who started a civil disobedience movement that has now forced around 750,000 people to stop going to work flashed their three fingers in protest. The greeting is now the leitmotif of rallies in Myanmar, along with characters in English – even better to attract international attention – denouncing the military takeover.

“I was inspired by the way protesters in Hong Kong and Thailand used creativity and humor in their protests,” said Kyaw Nanda, the graphic designer.

The counter-currents of protest flow in both directions. Last week a Thai youth group accepted the Myanmar saucepan campaign for a protest in Bangkok.

“There is a struggle for democracy, human rights and justice in the region,” said U Aye Ko, a painter in Myanmar whose art has long expressed political aspirations. “The movement goes beyond the problem of a nation. We have all come together to resist oppression. “

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U.S. calls on China to sentence Myanmar coup in first excessive stage dialog

U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken speaks during a visit by U.S. President Joe Biden to the U.S. Department of State in Washington on February 4, 2021.

Tom Brenner | Reuters

US Secretary of State Antony Blinken urged China to condemn the military coup in Myanmar and warned Beijing that Washington would work with its allies to hold the People’s Republic accountable for its efforts to threaten international stability, particularly on the Taiwan Strait.

Blinken spoke to his Foreign Secretary Yang Jiechi late Friday in the first conversation between senior US and Chinese officials since President Joe Biden took office. The top US diplomat emphasized human rights in the appeal, while Yang urged Washington to respect China’s sovereignty.

“Minister Blinken stressed that the United States would continue to stand up for human rights and democratic values, including in Xinjiang, Tibet and Hong Kong, and urged China to join the international community in condemning the military coup in Burma,” said Ned, spokesman for the White House Price said in a statement. Myanmar is also known as Burma.

The controversial call between top diplomats in Washington and Beijing shows that relations between the world’s two largest economies are unlikely to improve under the Biden administration. Yang urged the US not to interfere in China’s internal affairs in Hong Kong, Xinjiang and Tibet. Yang warned Blinken that any attempt to slander China would be unsuccessful.

Tensions between the US and China reached a boiling point under the Trump administration. Although President Joe Biden is reviewing a number of Trump-era foreign policy decisions, it is unlikely to reverse most of the previous administration’s policy towards China. Biden has already announced that he will not immediately remove the hundreds of billions of dollars in tariffs that Trump has imposed on Chinese exports as the new administration also tries to keep trade strict.

On the day before Biden’s inauguration, the Trump administration labeled the repression of Uighur Muslims in western China’s Xinjiang province as genocide and a crime against humanity. As soon as Trump stepped down, Beijing imposed sanctions on former administrative officials, including former Secretary of State Mike Pompeo and trade advisor Peter Navarro.

Women with red ribbons hold candles during a nighttime protest against the military coup in Yangon, Myanmar, on February 5, 2021.

Reuters

The Biden administration will maintain the genocidal designation, Biden’s candidate for UN Ambassador Linda Thomas-Greenfield said during her confirmation hearing. Biden had condemned China’s actions in Xinjiang as genocide during its presidential campaign.

The White House is already facing its first major international hotspot with China after the Myanmar military toppled and arrested the country’s civilian leadership earlier this month.

The US has warned that if it does not release the imprisoned civilian leadership and support the country’s democratic transition, it will take action against those responsible for the coup. For its part, China has avoided condemning the coup and has instead called for a solution to the crisis in accordance with the country’s constitution.

Tensions are also mounting in Taiwan. Beijing claims sovereignty over Taiwan, which is self-governing under the umbrella of US security guarantees. Days after Biden’s inauguration, China sent fighter jets across the strait and was convicted by Washington. On Thursday, a US Navy warship sailed through the strait for the first time since Biden took office.

“The Secretary reaffirmed that the United States will work with its allies and partners to defend our common values ​​and interests and hold the PRC accountable for its efforts to threaten and undermine stability in the Indo-Pacific, including the Taiwan Strait pull the rules-based international system, “State Department spokesman Price said of Blinken’s Friday call.

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Business

In Myanmar Coup, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi Ends as Neither Democracy Hero nor Navy Foil

During the years when Myanmar was intimidated by a military junta, people hid secret photos of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, talismans of the heroine of democracy who would save their country from a fearsome army despite being under house arrest.

But after she and her party won historic elections in 2015 and last year through a landslide that cemented civilian government and her own popularity in Myanmar, Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi was seen by the outside world as something entirely different: as a fallen patron saint, the had made a Faust pact with the generals and no longer deserved their Nobel Peace Prize.

In the end, Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi, 75, was unable to protect her people or appease the generals. On Monday, the military, which had ruled the country for nearly five decades, took power again in a coup d’état and disrupted the governance of their National League for Democracy after just five years.

Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi, along with her top ministers and a number of pro-democracy figures, were arrested in a raid before dawn. The round-up of the military’s critics continued until Monday evening, and the country’s telecommunications networks were constantly disrupted.

Government billboards across the country still carried their image and that of their party’s struggling peacock. But the army, under Major General Min Aung Hlaing, was again responsible.

The disappearance of Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi, who represented two completely different archetypes in front of two different audiences at home and abroad, proved that she was unable to do what so many expected: a political balance with the military with whom she shared power.

Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi lost the military’s ear when she halted negotiations with General Min Aung Hlaing. And by defending the generals in their ethnic cleansing of the Rohingya Muslims, she lost the trust of an international community that had campaigned for them for decades.

“Aung San Suu Kyi dismissed international critics, claiming that she was not a human rights activist but a politician. But the sad part is, she wasn’t very good at it either, ”said Phil Robertson, assistant Asia director for Human Rights Watch. “It failed a major moral test by covering up the military’s atrocities against the Rohingya. But detente with the military never materialized, and their landslide election victory is now being undone by a coup. “

President Biden made a strongly worded statement in the first test of his response to a coup designed to turn a democratic election upside down, which appeared to be different from the way his predecessor handled human rights issues.

“In a democracy, violence should never attempt to override the will of the people or attempt to obliterate the outcome of a credible election,” he said, using language similar to his own after the January 6 siege of the US Capitol Choice to overthrow. He called on the nations to “come together with one voice” to urge the military in Myanmar to give up power immediately.

“The United States takes note of those standing together with the people of Burma at this difficult hour,” he added, using the former name for Myanmar as it is still used by the US government.

The speed at which Myanmar’s democratic era was disintegrating was staggering, even for a country that had been under direct military rule for almost half a century and spun with coup rumors for days.

In November, its National League for Democracy put pressure on the military’s proxy party as many voters once again selected Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi’s political force as the best and only weapon to contain the generals. Her army placement for the past five years has been viewed by some as political jujitsu rather than appeasement.

The military, which retained significant power in the “discipline of flourishing democracy” that it had designed, complained of mass fraud. On January 28th, representatives of General Min Aung Hlaing sent a letter to Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi ordering a recount and a delay in the opening of parliament.

The military’s takeover of full power on Monday went hand in hand with a year-long state of emergency declaration that shattered any illusions that Myanmar was providing the world with an example of democracy on the rise, however flawed it may be.

“She’s the only person who can stand up to the military,” said U Aung Kyaw, a 73-year-old retired teacher. “We would all have voted for her forever, but today is the saddest day of my life because she’s gone again.”

Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi had close ties with the best of the military from the start, and her National League for Democracy was formed in alliance with senior military officials. After emerging from house arrest in 2010, she often dined with a former junta member who had imprisoned her.

Her followers said the coziness was more than Buddhist equanimity or political tactics. The daughter of the founder of the modern Myanmar army, Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi, has publicly said that she has a great affection for the military.

When the military stepped up its attack on Rohingya Muslims in 2017, Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi appeared to display a synchronicity of emotions with the generals that exceeded mere political benefit.

According to United Nations investigators, the slaughter and village burnings, in which three quarters of a million members of the Muslim minority fled to neighboring Bangladesh, were carried out with genocidal intent. At the International Court of Justice in 2019, Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi, who served as Myanmar Foreign Minister and State Advisor, dismissed the violence as an “internal conflict” in which the army may have used disproportionate force.

Her tone towards the Rohingya seemed almost scornful, and she followed the example of the military in not mentioning her name so that her identity would not become human.

“Some will be tempted to believe that she has unsuccessfully enlisted in the military, that she has defended and still lost genocide for political favor,” said Matthew Smith, founder of Fortify Rights, a human rights watchdog. “Aung San Suu Kyi did not defend the military in court to maintain the balance of power. She defended the military as well as her own role in the atrocities. She was part of the problem. “

Even when Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi apologized to the military for decades of persecution, her relationship with General Min Aung Hlaing was frayed, according to her advisors and retired military officials. Her increasing popularity with Myanmar’s Buddhist majority has been increasingly viewed as a threat by the generals, and she has not spoken to the army chief in at least a year – a dangerous silence in a country where politics is deeply personal.

The normal precedent was that General Min Aung Hlaing, whose family and acolytes benefited from his decade in power, should relinquish his position as army chief in 2016. He extended his term and vowed to retire for good this summer.

Due to the poor communication between the commander in chief and Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi, it became increasingly difficult for him to secure an outcome in which his patronage network would survive, military and political analysts said. General Min Aung Hlaing announced through his proxy that he may also have political ambitions. Some even announced his name as president, a position Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi is constitutionally prohibited from holding.

After the coup on Monday, the army chief will have ultimate authority in his hands for at least a year after the coup on Monday. You have put yourself back into full relevance, no matter how many voters chose Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi. By Monday evening, the army had announced the outline of a new cabinet staffed with active and retired military officers.

The brazen return of the military is a reminder that despite all of the abuses Myanmar’s general coupling committed during its decades-long takeover – systematic repression of ethnic minorities, massacres of pro-democracy demonstrators, dismantling of a once promising economy – not a single high-ranking military officer came before Court fully accountable.

Barbara Woodward, the United Nations Ambassador to Britain, who holds the presidency of the Security Council in February, said the council would meet on Tuesday on the crisis in Myanmar. “We want to have as constructive a discussion as possible and examine a number of measures,” she said, and she would not rule out possible sanctions against the putschists.

“We want to respect the democratic will of the people again,” the ambassador told reporters.

In Washington, Mr Biden’s testimony clearly indicated that the US government would also consider reimposing sanctions if the coup was not reversed. The United States had “lifted sanctions against Burma over the past decade as a result of progress made towards democracy.”

However, some officials, who spoke in the background because they were not authorized to speak to the press, noted that the effects of Western sanctions could be cushioned by China, even if they were restored. Chinese telecom giant Huawei is building Myanmar’s 5G telecom networks over US objections, and China has dominated dam, pipeline and energy project construction.

On Monday, as dusk fell on a nation still in shock from the military takeover, the old fears and survival tactics resurfaced, untrained but still in muscle memory. Individuals took their flags from the National League for Democracy. You spoke in code.

Amid the coronavirus pandemic, the Minister of Health, appointed by the National League for Democracy, submitted his resignation “according to the evolving situation”. In the evening, the military began rounding up the National League for Democracy legislators from their homes in the capital, Naypyidaw.

“We are concerned that the military will cast a wider web of their arrests,” said Smith of Fortify Rights. “I’m afraid we’re only just seeing the first stage.”

Late on Monday afternoon, U Ko Ko Gyi, a former student democracy activist who had spent more than 17 years in prison, posted on Facebook that he had so far evaded the magnet that had captured high-ranking politicians.

But he took a family photo as a precaution, he wrote. He said goodbye. His children didn’t know what was going on.

“I have to do what I have to do,” wrote Ko Ko Gyi. “Let’s face it tomorrow.”

David E. Sanger contributed to coverage from Washington.